Category Archives: Thai Society, Politics, etc.

The First Thai Female Prime Minister and Thai Feminists

Posted on August 18, 2011 | 7 Comments

[Originally published by Siamvoices on AsianCorrespondent.com]

Yingluck Shinawatra - 28th Prime Minister of Thailand Source: Time Magazine http://goo.gl/9IFM0

Thailand has its first female prime minister at last. It has taken 79 years since the country has adopted constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy in 1932.

The idea of Thailand having a female prime minister was floated once or twice. About 15 years ago Khunying Supatra Masadit  (Dem), the first female minister of Thailand who was an elected MP, was thought a possible first female PM, but nobody really expected to have a madam prime minister anytime soon.

Then it all happened so quickly. Just three months ago Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra  suddenly came on the scene. Almost out of nowhere (or “nowhere” in Dubai) she was named the top party list candidate of the opposition party, Pheu Thai—the latest reincarnation of Thailand’s most popular political party founded by her big brother Thaksin Shinawatra (the man in Dubai). She campaigned dutifully for two and a half months. Closely watched, she surprised and impressed more than a few. The Economist described her as “taking the campaign by the storm” and effectively wrong-footing the ruling Democrats. Came July 3rd, 2010, Thailand elected her party by a huge majority (52% of the votes and 265 of 500 parliament seats). On the 8th of August 2011 Yingluck Shinawatra was royally endorsed as the 28th prime minister of Thailand.

A successful, beautiful modern career woman, Yingluck Shinawatra at first glance looks like the first female national leader that Thai women would be proud of. Reports of her on the campaign trails especially in the party base North and Northeast often showed her being swarmed by local women. Surely, of the 15.7 million Thais who voted for her party there must be millions of Thai women who voted for her. Yet, one group of Thai women have made it clear—quite loudly—that they are not among the many admirers of Ms. Yingluck.

As soon as Pheu Thai victory catapulted Yingluck to the national top spot and it became clear she was to become prime minister, several Thai feminists were already expressing their disapproval.  In the news under the headline “Thailand’s first female PM no victory for feminism”  Sutada Mekrungruengkul, director of the Gender and Development Research Institute (GDRI) of Thailand was quoted:

How can we be proud? The whole world knows it’s about Thaksin… Compare that to Aung San Suu Kyi who has struggled for 20 years and is still not the prime minister of Myanmar.

As if it was Ms. Yingluck’s fault for having succeeded too easily, too fast without experiencing any house arrest. Sutada apparently also forgot that Ms. Suu Kyi originally came into politics because of her father.

Undoubtedly most people, feminist or no, are not naïve enough to believe that Ms. Yingluck would have become Thailand’s prime minister were she not Thaksin’s sister. Two Western male political analysts quoted in the same news article said as much, but they were more forgiving of Yingluck’s family connection. Chris Baker pointed to Indira Gandhi of India, Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan and Corazon Aquino of the Philippines as examples of how family connection and femininity has been a tried-and-tested formula of female political leadership in Asia. Andrew Walker of Australian National University predicted:

Many women, young and old, will be delighted and inspired by Yingluck’s dramatic rise to the top.

Evidently he wasn’t listening in on leading Thai feminists.

It appears Ms. Yingluck got off on the wrong foot with Thai feminists from the start. What she said in the announcement of her candidacy on May 16, 2010 has rubbed them the wrong way. Yingluck said:

I will utilize my femininity to work fully for our country.

Not something a feminist would surely.

Arpaporn Sumrit, a lecturer at the Women’s Studies Center at Chiang Mai University, Yingluck’s alma mater, observed:

She might have the anatomy of a woman, but she thinks like a man and I don’t think she will do anything extraordinary for women.

It’s clear, these Thai feminists see no feminist in Yingluck—and they have some good reason. Sutada of GDRI:

She never said a single word about women’s rights promotion during her campaign… We have a lot of women’s issues in Thailand, particularly violence against women and discrimination against women.

A few days after the election, a seminar “Women’s power changing the face of the election” (พลังสตรีพลิกโฉมเลือกตั้ง) was organized by the political science department at Thammasat University. A number of women’s rights activists attended.  Here viewpoints were more mixed with a bit more openness, though enthusiasm could not be detected from the news report. The general tone regarding Yingluck’s potential in working on women’s issues was cautious and tentative at best.

Chalidaporn Songsamphan, a prominent feminist and a Thammasat political science lecturer, warned the seminar participants not to pin too much hope on Yingluck that because she is a woman she would necessarily be aware of women’s issues in Thai society. While women’s rights movements may bring feminist issues to Yingluck’s attention, one should keep in mind the factors that have set her “flying” (เหาะ)–like on a magic carpet–into the [prime minister] position, she said. Another Thammasat political science lecturer Malee Phruekpongsawali also reminded the participants how Thailand went crazy over Pornthip Nakhirankanok Miss Universe 1988 and the fever quickly died down when she announced she was getting married. And since the seminar was about women and electoral politics, she also reminded the participants that vote buying was still rampant though a lot more subtle in Thai society.

It was not all bad for Yingluck, however. At least one woman at the seminar approved of her using her femininity in politics. Laddawan Tantiwittayapitak of Political Development Council said, true that Yingluck “flew in” as prime minister but female leaders in many countries have done so before. If Yingluck would learn from her brother’s mistake in being too aggressive and manage the country with independence and, yes, femininity, there might be hope for Thailand to avoid violence and move towards reconciliation, she said.

Kornvipa Villas, a representative of Women’s Power Network for Reform told participants she was actually “violently gratified” (สะใจ) that finally Thailand would have a female prime minister, given that only 15% of Thai parliamentarians were women despite Thailand having signed all kinds of international conventions that require 30% quota of women in political office [and has never abided by them]. She was gleeful because Thai women have long been oppressed by men and now Thai men all accept and bow to Ms. Yingluck because she decides who gets to be a minister.

Kornvipa also had something to say about Thaksin:

As for her brother… now the world knows the people stand on his side. Emotions that ran wild have now calmed somewhat. What could the female PM do? I’d like to tell [Thai] society: let’s move beyond how she got here. We must look ahead and help her, enable her to work [for the country].

The key suggestion from the seminar was that Yingluck would do best to learn more about social and women’s issues. 

Reactions to Yingluck leadership from some of the leading (mainstream) feminists mentioned above have drawn flak from a few feminists among the Red supporters. Khampaka, a well-known columnist, writer and social critic with a large following among young progressive Thais, lashed back, saying it’s “ridiculous” that those feminists suddenly jumped up and down complaining that the first female prime minister-to-be has no feminist mind even before she gets to work.

We can’t demand feminism from Khun Yingluck because she has never defined herself as a feminist. If Khun Yingluck has never used feminism or her being a feminist to campaign for votes, why would you demand that she suddenly declare policies for women? … Especially when you are making the demand based on the logic that the “feminist mind” does not need the [female] sexual organ, why didn’t you demand [women’s policies] from all the prime ministers before her?

Khampaka held no punches:

If having no feminist mind is such a crime, every single Thai prime minister in the past deserved equal scolding.The contradiction in this line of argument is that if women without a feminist mind deserve heavier punishment, then you [the female feminists] are oppressing your own kind.

With regard to Yingluck “flying” into the prime minister position, Khampaka had this to say:

So that’s another of her bad points. Amidst all the disadvantages—the mainstream media never understood Redshirts, never sided with democracy—Khun Yingluck still came out on top. It shows she must have something. People aren’t stupid these days. If you have any contact with the Redshirts you will see that they are quite conscious of their rights because it wasn’t easy for them to get an election;  they had to sacrifice with their lives. Yingluck didn’t get here because of luck alone.

Khampaka also responded to some women’s issues mentioned by the feminists critical of Yingluck. Violence against women and gender inequality have long existed and are persistent problems that every government needs to be pressured to address, she said. She pointed to the power structure that remains the major obstacle in advancement in Thai women’s rights. The major problem with women’s rights movement in Thailand in her view is Thai feminists’ “blindness to human rights problems” which encompass women’s rights problems:

Women are humans, but human rights in Thailand are still lacking… Thai feminists are concerned about domestic violence and human trafficking but never said anything about 91 people killed [in the April-May 2010 crackdowns]. Isn’t it also domestic violence? Is 91 people killed as bad as human trafficking?

According to Khampaka, the priorities in today’s Thailand are truth, justice and the economy. There are people, including women, in jail without bail who need immediate justice, and men and women laborers and their children struggling to make ends meet. A number of people who voted for Pheu Thai see these as the top priorities. She told the interviewer, given the leading feminists’ reactions, she’d like to resign from her status as a feminist to be just a human being. As usual Khampaka’s comments drew strong reactions: support and kudos at the left- and Red-leaning Prachatai website and severe beating at OK Nation blog  where Yellow supporters congregate.

In fact, the views of leading Thai feminists were challenged even before the election. At the seminar entitled “Democracy, power, violence and women in Thai politics” organized by Chiang Mai University, Pinkaew Lueangaramsri a social science lecturer, criticized the narrow definition of gender and politics in the traditional Thai women’s rights movement (where most of the critics of Yingluck belong). She also pointed to the gap in class consciousness of traditional Thai feminists.

Pinkaew said those in the women’s networks that initiated the “Women’s power changing the face of the election” as a result of the revelation that female political candidates represented only 18% of all 3,832 candidates in the July 3, 2010 election, were concerned about this male-female discrepancy and afraid that Thailand would be left behind in ASEAN. The truth is, she said, Thai women are quite active politically. They are over-represented as voters (National Statistics Office: 1.5 million more female than male voters, compared to 1.2 million more female than male population). Grassroots Thai women are also active in local politics and political rallies [mostly Red] at home and in Bangkok since the 2006 coup, demanding their political rights and an election.

Yet, Pinkaew observed, the leading feminists have not paid attention to this type of women’s movement and don’t see it as a women’s movement. Instead they see these grassroots women as being misled by their political leader (Thaksin), having no political consciousness.  She said, this view showed that Thai feminists were out of touch with the [lower class] rural Thai women, who are not feminists but ordinary women who can think for themselves and see the connection between their political rights and their rights as women. But this new grassroots women’s movement will thrive with or without the traditional Thai feminists’ support, she predicted.

Jitra Kochadech, a leading female labor activist and a Redshirt supporter, said at the Chiang Mai seminar that she would like to look at gender through the class lens. She would elect a political leader based on what policy benefits s/he offers rather than whether the person is female because “women also oppress.” Jitra is known for her slogan dii-tae-poot (ดีแต่พูด) “only good at paying lip service” after she raised her placard and shouted the phrase at former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and it stuck.

In her interview with the Bangkok Post, Jitra explained how she came up with the slogan idea:

I had researched and found out that Mr. Abhisit talked a lot about women workers’ rights and made various promises, none of which materialized. An idea popped into my head that Mr. Abhisit was only paying lip service to policy.

However, she said the phrase can apply to any politician.

If Ms. Yingluck fails to honor her campaign promises, she will be ridiculed with that slogan just as Mr. Abhisit was. I believe her opponents would like to apply this phrase to her, and are waiting for the right opportunity. She must be careful about what she promises.

There is no doubt that the first female prime minister of Thailand faces a very daunting task ahead. Among the most daunting are healing the divided nation plagued by social injustice and widening inequalities and dealing with an economy in a looming global recession.

The problems of social injustice and inequalities that Yingluck will be asked to address involve not only women and girls but also many marginalized populations: rural and urban poor, ethnic minorities, Muslims in the restive South, migrants, etc. All will put their demands on her government. She has to find a delicate balance in pleasing both the Redshirt supporters who helped put her in power who will demand that she deliver justice and more equitable distribution of resources, wealth and power, and the aggressive military and the unhappy elites who are not eager to share.

It is worth noting that while many leading Thai feminists are lukewarm at best or dismissive at worst at Yingluck’s sudden rise to power, men seem more willing to withhold judgment at this early stage. As most observers are tentative of the kind of leadership Ms. Yingluck will offer, her current support comes more often from men:

Chris Baker, political analyst: 

Until we see her strut her stuff it is difficult to judge, but everything we have seen of her so far suggests she has quite a lot of substance.

Chookiat Panaspornprasit, Chulalongkorn University political science lecturer:

I think she should be given a chance. So far, so good. She could be a strong leader.

Men seem to also appreciate her femininity more and see it as a good asset in her leadership. And as for Ms. Yingluck  herself, despite the criticisms coming from her fellow Thai women on the value of her femininity, she stands firm:

I will repeat again that females are the symbols of nonviolence… Another thing I would say is that a female is more compromising. A female can talk with anyone easily.

Also, while everyone has noticed that Ms. Yingluck is beautiful and it is possible that she may have benefited from the so-called “beauty premium,” one cannot help wonder whether the “beauty premium” effects are felt more strongly among men than among women.

If polls are to be believed, Thai men are more supportive of the first female prime minister of Thailand than Thai women in general. A Suan Dusit poll conducted during the two days after the election with 1,574 Thai men and women revealed 78% of men and 60% of women supported the idea of Thailand having a female prime minister, and 63% of men and 37% of women had confidence in Ms. Yingluck as the first female national leader. Both men and women saw identical weaknesses in Yingluck’s leadership:  indecisiveness (50%), appearance as Thaksin’s nominee and may not be able to handle pressure (28%).

Another poll also by Suan Dusit conducted a month later during August 5-6 (1,336 respondents) showed 68% thought that Yingluck would probably succeed or fare reasonably well in her job, with 52% thinking she should be given at least six months to prove her mettle. The figures in the second poll are a bit more supportive (the news report does not give breakdown figures by sex), so the question remains open to what extent Thai women are willing to give Ms. Yingluck a chance. Indeed, what she has asked for herself and her cabinet is six months to give it a go at the job before the gloves come off. Hopefully by that time more Thais, especially Thai women and feminists, will have adjusted to having a woman prime minister.

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Posted in Sexuality-Gender in Thai Culture, Thai Men, Thai Society, Politics, etc., Thai Women

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Bugged by a Thai Phrase

Posted on June 4, 2010 | 4 Comments

Given that I’m still struggling to write long blog posts, I’ll experiment with some short ones. Here’s the first.

There is a new Thai phrase that’s been bugging me these last few days: กระชับความเหลื่อมล้ำ /krà-cháp khwaam-lùeaam-lám/. What the hell does it mean? And who was the genius who coined it? (I couldn’t help wondering.)

Among the 7o+ twitter feeds I currently follow, one is @thaireform, which is the twitter account of the Isra Institute (สถาบันอิศรา) information center, tweeting (in Thai) news and information relating to reform efforts in Thai society and politics. On June 1, 2010 @thaireform tweeted:

เปิดแผน “กระชับความเหลื่อมล้ำ” ของคุณหญิงสุพัตรา มาศดิตถ์ (ประชาชาติธุรกิจ) http://bit.ly/bLUNzo.

I could not believe my eyes and saved the tweet to ponder over. Why? Well, this is basically what it says in English:

Reveal “Tightening Inequality” Plan by Khunying Supatra Masdit (Prachachart Thurakij). http://bit.ly/bLUNzo.

You see what bugged me?

So I followed the link to read the original article to find out if the name of the plan in quotes was really for real. And to my surprise it seems this was an official name of a government project. Of course, I could very well guess that the plan had something to do with *narrowing* the gap (in status). The second word in the phrase certainly gave me a clue: ความเหลื่อมล้ำ /khwaam-lùeaam-lám/ means the “gap” or “inequality” in socio-economic statuses of people in society.

I understand that no government of any ideological persuasion would be crazy enough to advertise that it would “tighten,” “strengthen” or “reinforce” inequality among the populace. But that is what the word กระชับ /krà-cháp/ means, as a verb.

Sure, the word could also mean “compact” (as an adjective), or if you stretch it a bit, “to contain” (as a verb) as it was used in the case of Operation Containment in Rajprasong: กระชับพื้นที่วงล้อม /krà-cháp phúuen-thîi wong-lÓOm/ (lit. “to tighten/secure the perimeters” – “to contain the [protest] areas”).

So, the project name could mean “compact inequality” or “contain inequality,” though the first sounds strange and almost cute (though I hope it is a general opinion that there is nothing cute about inequality) and the second suggests that inequality has a right to exist but only needs some containment. Neither lives up to the noble goals of the project.

Strictly speaking, in this project title “กระชับความเหลื่อมล้ำ” the first word กระชับ functions as a verb, which, again, means to “tighten,” “strengthen” or “reinforce.”

With all due respect to Khunying Supatra (who might have had nothing whatsoever to do with naming the project), the choice of the word กระชับ is very ill advised – on two important counts.

  1. First, it is confusing and misleading, if not entirely wrong in meaning or syntax.
  2. Second, it gives a wrong imagery and a very unpleasant vibe.

After the May 2010 “incident” I’d guess that half of the target populations of this project would not take very kindly to the word กระชับ /krà-cháp/ or to having themselves or their situation “tightened,” “strengthened,” “reinforced” or “contained” – unless it has to do with their waistline.

……

There are two obvious words for this project (โครงการ /khroong-kaan/) to consider. Depending on whether the project wants to appear realistic (which, I guess, is probably the case) or idealistic, one of the two following phrases will work perfectly well for it. Neither would cause any confusion or raised eyebrows.

  • “ลดความเหลื่อมล้ำ” = “Reduce Inequality”
  • “ขจัดความเหลื่อมล้ำ” = “Eradicate Inequality”

Perhaps the project designers/managers wouldn’t minding “tightening” their language skills a bit? :)

—–UPDATE (6 June 2010)—–

Thanks to someone who commented on Twitter (@Nok_Kasama), I can now articulate why the word กระชับ in the project title would give a wrong imagery (and finally connect my two favorite subjects – politics and sexuality). :)

Here it is: the word กระชับ /krà-cháp/ is also often used when women want to “tighten” their, er, certain feminine parts, from exterior parts like buns and boobs, to the interior ones like wombs and (*blush blush*) “there,” you know. Like when a (often “mature”) lady wants to rejuvenate, i.e. “re-create” her virginity (Thai word = ทำสาว /tham-sǎaw/, lit. “make virgin”), her part that needs to be “rejuvenated” will be surgically “tightened”.

Now, I’m wondering if the project in question had people who speak Thai as the first language name the thing. And I’m not talking about Thais who speak Thai as their first language like George Bush speaks English as his first language.

—–UPDATE (7 June 2010)—–

Yet another usage of the troublesome word I thought of today – this time in the context of relationships.

กระชับความสัมพันธ์ /krà-cháp khwaam-sǎm-pan/

The above phrase, when used within the context of social relationships or relations between countries, it means “to strengthen ties” or to step up the level of connections or relations. When used in romantic relationship context, it means “to become closer” or “to be more intimate” in the relationship.

And I’m still bewildered by how social inequality can be “tightened” – let alone “strengthened,” “intimate” or “stepped up.” Someone please give the government a dictionary!

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Posted in General Thai Vocabulary, Thai political terms, Thai Society, Politics, etc.

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Bangkok Burning: More Bullets, Smoke, Burnt Tires, Mystery Snipers & M79s

Posted on May 16, 2010 | 6 Comments

UPDATE (28 May)

I think I lost my mojo (if I ever had any).

Really, since the last updates I’ve gone through all kinds of emotions, except happiness, hope and joy. In the past week and a half, I have been stunned, angry, sad, surprised, demoralized, furious, dejected, and I don’t think I’ve counted them all. I might have laughed many times but they were ironic laughs, not happy ones. Also quite uncharacteristic of me, I was also often speechless.

I lost my will to tease  coherently in long prose on this blog. So I went on to make new friends and rant in bits of 140 characters on Twitter (@Thai_Talk), which is serving my intellectual and emotional state quite well for now.

Given that I’m bereft of long speeches, here is a brief summary of important things that have happened since the last updates.

  • On May 18 key Red shirt leaders surrendered themselves to the police and called the end to the Red shirt protests. The Red shirt protesters were clearly unhappy about their leaders’ decision and the so called “hardcore” Red members reportedly went on to “fight” the troops, burn tires and torch Bangkok, as we have seen in the news.
  • Bangkok was burned obviously, but not all of Bangkok, “just” in 36 locations. The most severe fires were in Siam Square (taking down the old Siam Theater and a few other buildings and businesses) and the second-largest mall in Asia, Central World (CTW) which was burned down to ashes. Bangkok streets have been cleaned up.
  • Burning also spread to outside of Bangkok. City halls and local government TV stations were torched in major provinces like Chiang Mai, Ubon, Udon, Khon Kaen.
  • 50+ people killed since May 13, making a total of 88 death toll including April 10 crackdown of Red protests in Bangkok – of this number most were Red protesters, many were believed to be innocent bystanders; among the dead were 9 soldiers (5 killed earlier on April 10), 2 policemen, 4 medics, and 2 foreign journalists  (1 killed on April 10). (see a detailed spreadsheet of verified dead with news sources & identified causes of death, by Rikker Dockum here)
  • Thailand was and still is under State of Emergency, and curfews have been imposed in Bangkok and 23 other provinces. The last time Thais lived under curfews was in 1992 (the “Black May” in which 52 people were killed and at least 100 missing during May 17-20 military crackdown of protesters).
  • 500+ people were arrested for breaking the curfews in Bangkok. Scores were also reportedly arrested in some provinces. Most arrested were given a 2-year probation, instead of serving 2 months prison term and 2,000 bath fine.
  • More Red protest leaders, but not all,  surrendered (at different times, often in groups of 2-3). They are now held in custody under the emergency decree (which allows the government to hold them without charge up to 30 days). Besides violations of emergency decrees and a few other minor charges, they are (to be) charged with terrorism – a charge they vow to fight against.
  • A terrorism charge has been made against former PM Thaksin Shinawatra, who is now residing (as a naturalized citizen) in Montenegro. The Thai government says he was bank-rolling the Red shirt “terrorists.”
  • An academic, a history professor Suthachai Yimpraset of Chulalongkorn University, was arrested a couple of days ago but has not been charged with any crime, although authorities said the arrest was “to prevent him from instigating acts of terrorism.” He has been held in solitary confinement in an army camp in Saraburi. A diabetic, he has reportedly gone on hunger strike for having been denied access to books he wanted to read to prepare lectures for his students. Prof. Suthachai was named in the so-called CRES “Mind Map”, a convoluted diagram of names and connections of people who, according to CRES, are in the secret “Networks to topple the monarchy.”

That’s all for now, folks. I hope to be more cheery next time.

UPDATES (15-17 May 2010)

Too much has happened and I’m not in the frame of mind to write any coherent article, so here are some news reports and accounts of events in the past three days (15-17 May) that I’ve picked, worth checking out, if you haven’t already. (*A few picks added on May 17th are  in RED. Sorry, I couldn’t keep up and post them all here as there are too many. Check the usual sources, CNN, BBC, Spielgel, France 24 and all other big ones. Key news for the night of May 16th was that Dusit Thani Hotel came under fire. About 100 journalists and hotel staff took refuge in hotel basement. One navy was shot in the head, killed, making the first death on the authority side.)

KEY INFO

As of 20:30 hr Monday, May 17th: death toll 35 (34 civilian, 1 soldier), 271 injured (3 in ICU). Note that this are figures reported by Bangkok EMS. Some suspect actual casualties may be higher but there is as yet no solid proof to lend credence to the suspicion.

Bangkok Dangerous Map: to check for the Hot Spots to avoid in inner Bangkok

Official casualties statistics by ศูนย์เอราวัณ (Bangkok EMS): (information in Thai) Number of death and injured, providing list of names & basic info for the injured, e.g. which hospital they have been sent to and whether they have been admitted (regular or ICU), transferred or released

(Added 17 May)

SPECIAL OF THE DAY>> Thai Rath ไทยรัฐ [in Thai]: ‘แดง’ ทุบสถิติทุกประวัติศาสตร์การชุมนุมไทย (Reds broke records in Thai rally history)

  • มีการเจรจาระหว่างแกนนำกลุ่มผู้ ชุมนุมกับรัฐบาลเพื่อร่วมหาข้อยุติ ซึ่งหน้าประวัติศาสตร์เมืองไทย จะไม่ค่อยเห็นระดับผู้นำประเทศยอม “ลดตัว” (Negotiations between rally leaders and the government to find resolutions unprecedented in Thai history, in which national leaders normally don’t “condescend” to do such things.)
  • มีการปะทะกันระหว่างเจ้าหน้าที่กับ กลุ่มผู้ชุมนุม (หรือผู้ที่ติดอาวุธแฝงในที่ชุมนุม) ครั้งใหญ่ที่สุดหลังมีปรากฏการณ์ปราบคอมมิวนิสต์ Largest clashes between authorities and protesters since the suppression of communist insurgents  {or armed individuals who infiltrated the protests})
  • มีแกนนำเรียกร้องทางการเมืองถูก ดำเนินคดีมากที่สุด (Largest number of political leaders facing legal prosecution)
  • มีการใช้ อาวุธสงครามมากที่สุด โดยเฉพาะอย่างยิิ่ง ระเบิด M 79 เรียกว่า “ยิงรายวัน” (Highest number of war weapons used “daily” especially M79 grenades)
  • มีผู้ชุมนุมและ แกนนำทำผิดกฎหมายมากที่สุดโดยการยึดรถ ยึดอาวุธ (Highest number of protesters and leaders committing illegal acts, e.g. vehicle hijacking, weapon seizures [from authorities])
  • มีการชุมนุมที่สร้างผลกระทบให้กับภาคธุรกิจ (Rallies have severely affected the business sector)
  • มีการต่อสู้ของผู้ชุมนุมกับเจ้า หน้าที่ โดยใช้อาวุธหลากหลายชนิด โดยเริ่มตั้งแต่ หนังสติ๊ก, ลูกแก้ว, น็อต, หัวตะปู, บั้งไฟ, พลุ, ตะไล, โคมลอย, ไม้, เหล็ก, เหล็กปลายแหลม, และระเบิดเพลิง (Diversity of weapons protesters used to fight with authorities, including slingshots, glass balls, knots, nails, fire rockets, fireworks, sky rockets, hot air balloons, sticks, irons, sharpened irons, firebombs) <<methinks, Daily News forgot tires and matches, bamboo sticks, bottles, rocks, etc.
  • มีการสั่งปิดเว็บไซต์ออนไลน์มากที่สุดเท่าที่มีการดำเนินการบริการด้าน เทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศ (Highest number of websites closed down)
  • ท้ายที่สุด[อาจ]จะมี “ผู้เสียชีวิต” มากที่สุด (Eventually – it is speculated – possibly the highest death toll) <<this one may be a bit hyperbolic methinks

YouTube: video showing 10 minutes of Red-supporting crowds at Victory Monument on May 16th, in rage that soldiers did not allow those short in Soi Rang Naam to be transported out; finally police escorted Rescue van inside to retrieve the victims; crowds loudly shouting “Abhisit get out!”

CNN iReport: “Baby used as Human Shield by Reds” (controversial clip taken in new hot spot: Rama 4 – Klong Toey)

Daily Mail: “The moment Thai Red Shirt protesters ‘used a child as a human shield’ as country teeters on brink of civil war”

Bangkok Post: Account of today’s story adapted for those wanting to learn Thai

Federico Ferrera: How liberal democratic countries deal with violent mob

Some Blogs Providing Good Daily Summary, Information & Analysis

Saksith

Bangkok Pundit

Political Prisoners in Thailand (now blocked by CRES, 26 May)

New Mandala (best features are comments)

The Thai Report

Red Rumblings Outside Bangkok*(updated)

Anger in the Northeast

Red Rally in Ubon Ratchathani

นปช.เชียงใหม่ ระดมพลเตรียมร้อง UN (16 May) (Reds in Chiang Mai calling for UN intervention)

แดง เมืองชลฯ ปิดสี่แยกท่าเรือแหลมฉบัง (17 May) (Reds in Chonburi rallying in Laem Chabang, blaming media for false information that they would set fire to oil refinery)

Twitter @karmanomad: 1,000 reds in front of khon kaen provincial hall, ”much anger” says eyewitness.

THAI TV>>Check out Thai PBS online (live streaming), which is the only free Thai TV channel that covers the crisis consistently (and least biased)

New Reports & First-Hand Accounts (15-16 May)

ENGLISH

Guardian: “Redshirts warn of civil war as Thai troops told to shoot on sight” by Ben Doherty

New Mandala: “Nick Nostitz in the killing zone” (a personal account of a journalist got caught and shot in Soi Rang Naam near Victory Monument in Bangkok on May 15th) ****MUST READ

YouTube: video showing 4.5 minutes of the incident described by Nick Nostitz above

Der Spiegel: another account by Spiegel’s Thilo Thielke who was in the same incident “Bangkok droht der Bürgerkrieg” (in German, lots of very good pictures)

CNN: “On the scene: Bangkok at boiling point” by Sara Sidner (15 May)

CNN: “Thai government to impose curfew in Bangkok” (16 May – though the government decided not to impose curfew after all)

BBC: “Thai government sets new ultimatum in Bangkok protests”

HRW: Human Rights Watch told Thailand to “Revoke Life Fire Zone in Bangkok: Abide by UN Principles on Use of Force and Firearms”

AP: “Thai PM defends deadly army crackdown in Bangkok”

Bangkok Post: “27 reds imprisoned for 6 months”

Bangkok Post: “PM: Military operations to continue”

A lot of women, children and elderly at Rajprasong protest site, see some pictures here and here. In the afternoon of May 16th, Red leaders said anyone wishing to leave protest could leave and most of women, elderly and children (as well as vendors selling stuffs to protesters) left, according to Thai PBS broadcast.  <<UPDATE: May 17, turned out not many left:  some media & commentators said they did not get full information from government – some women, even those with young children said they’d rather die than leaving; many feared they would be shot on spot by soldiers if they left

TIME: “Bracing for a Protest’s Denouement” by Robert Horn (good background & pictures)

TIMES ONLINE: “Army brings death and carnage to the streets” by Sian Powell (see comments also)

THAI

Some Thai-language reports during 15-16 May 2010

มติชน : M.79ถล่มสน.ลุมพินี7-8ลูกหัวค่ำ ยิงสนั่น-ตูมตามใจกลางกรุง ทหารรุกหนักล้อมประชิด สรุปยอดตายทะลุ22ศพ

ข่าวสด: “สื่อนอกแพร่ภาพยิงสยอง ศพเกลื่อนรางน้ำ-ดินแดง”

Video on (Red Shirt) UDD facebook page, providing accounts of local residents in Din Daeng area & inside view in the live fire zone

ไทยรัฐ: “นักข่าวหนีกระเจิง หวั่นรุนแรง แกนนำถกเครียด” (picture of Red-shirt protesters, mostly women, at Rajaprasong, standing to royal anthem)

ไทยรัฐ: “หนุนกดดันคืนพื้นที่ ปชช.เห็นด้วย วอนรัฐ-นปช.เจรจา”

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Posted in Thai political terms, Thai Society, Politics, etc.

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“Reconciliation” Talk (Thai-Style) & Bullets in the Head (Mafia-Style)

Posted on May 15, 2010 | 6 Comments

A Chronicle (3 – 14 May 2010)


The Beginning of the End or the End of the Beginning?

On Tuesday night of May 3rd Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva announced on national television that he would offer the Red Shirts elections on November 14 and a “road map” to a national “reconciliation.” The Thai media would come to call the “reconciliation plan” แผนปรองดอง /phĚEn prOOng dOOng/ and use the original English word “road map” in their reports (โรดแมป, โรดแม็ป or โรดแมพ in Thai, none of which I think quite correctly reflects the English pronunciation: โร้ดแหมบ).

Many headlines on May 4th included such phrases as ปลดล็อควิกฤติ /plòt lÓOk wí-krìt/, “unlock the crisis” or ฝ่าวิกฤติ /fàa wí-krìt/, “break through the crisis.” They gave a very active, positive feeling, even hopeful. (Only the plan didn’t turn out to be a breakthrough after all and the crisis wasn’t so much unlocked but knotted even a bit further.)

Reconciliation – Or So It Was Called

As reported by the Bangkok Post on May 4th “PM proposes Nov 14 poll date”, the five-point reconciliation plan proposed by the PM included the following:

1) The monarchy must not be used as a tool in political conflicts.

2) The country must be reformed by tackling economic disparities and inequality.

3) The media must refrain from reports which exacerbate social or political conflicts.

4) An independent fact-finding panel must be appointed to review fatal incidents involving security forces and protesters [on April 10, 2010].

5) The reconciliation process must be carried out with the cooperation of all sides.*

(*Having read the original Thai explanation given by the PM, I think the emphasis of the last point is rather “To address injustice and unfairness in existing political rules.” See more details as reported in a Thai newspaper คมชัดลึก Kom Chad Luek and the English version of PM’s detailed explanation provided by Ministry of Foreign Affairs here.  The Nation gave a slightly different summary when it first reported the PM’s announcement here. I made my own summary of the five-point plan based on the original explanation by the PM, included at the end of the article.)

Though the PM said he had “floated the ideas” and discussed the five objectives above with “many affected parties” as reported in the Bangkok Post, it quickly became clear that he didn’t consult his mentor Chuan Leekpai or his deputy Suthep Thueksuban and other seniors in the Democratic Party. To his credit PM Abhisit went out of character in plotting the road map without them. I conjecture he was hoping to strong-arm them to go along with it. They did – grudgingly. As to whose counsel PM sought in plotting the road map the public has little idea.

Negotiating “Reconciliation”

In the week following the PM’s announcement, the government called the Red Shirts (echoed by the media and several sectors in society) to enter กระบวนการปรองดองแห่งชาติ /krà-buuan-kaan prOOng dOOng hÈEng châat/, “national reconciliation process” as laid out by the PM. There were rounds of การเจรจา /kaan jee-rá-jaa/, “talk,” “negotiation,” between the government and the Red leaders. All sides, perhaps except those not wishing for peace, were hoping for ข้อยุติ /khÔO yú-tì/, a “resolution,” an “endgame.” But resolution and endgame proved elusive.

The initial reaction to the PM’s “reconciliation” “road map” of the Red Shirts was แบ่งรับแบ่งสู้ /bÈEng ràp bÈEng sûu/, “tentative” or “half receptive, half defensive” as the Thai saying goes. They agreed to enter into the reconciliation process and seemed guardedly receptive to the idea of a set election date. However, while not against กำหนดวันเลือกตั้ง /kam-nòt wan lûeaak-tâng/ “setting an election date,” the Red Shirts felt that it was more important for the PM to กำหนดวันยุบสภา / kam-nòt wan yúp sà-phaa/, “set a date for house dissolution.” It felt to some like a posturing on the Red leaders’ part than making a real bargaining point, considering the Constitution clearly states that elections must be held within 45-60 days after house dissolution. Sure enough, the government came back and said, house dissolution would occur during September 15th and 30th.

The majority in Thai society liked the idea of reconciliation and no more bloodshed. An ABAC Poll asking “What do you think of road map?” returned 61% agree or strongly agree, 15% disagree or strongly disagree, and 24% impassive (no idea) (see more).  Luckily, at least three quarters of Thais still have active brains, and one in the unabashed socialist Giles Ji Ungpakorn’s is particularly active. His response to PM’s road map was certainly passionate (and was/is blocked in Thailand), but still accessible here on LINKS: International Journal of Socialist Renewal site.

Spirited and open discussion on the road map was as usual on New Mandala.

Red Supporters felt Red Shirt leaders should not readily take the offer but bargain with Abhisit for a better deal. Among the key things they wanted were:

  • Unconditional house dissolution on August 14th
  • Lifting Emergency Decree and withdrawing all troops
  • Lifting all media censorship (and returning to them their People’s TV (PTV) which had been shut down since early in the crisis)
  • Amnesty for all Reds
  • A truly neutral fact-finding panel to investigate the April 10 crackdown (See more details.)

It was palpable that the Reds did not trust the government to honor its words. Every other journalist, blogger, facebooker, twitterer, and their third cousin weighed in. Even the US Embassy urged peaceful reconciliation.  The loquacious Dr. Weng, one of the Red leaders whose name has become a verb, questioned ความจริงใจ /kwaam jing jai/, “sincerity” of the government.

As for the Yellow (aka Pink and Multicolor) Shirts who have become less shy to show their yellow hue since the reconciliation, the yellower their shirt the more they hated the PM’s offer. A hardcore PAD and son of Sondhi, Jittanart Limthongkul, ridiculed the PM’s “road map” as a “Red Map” (เรดแมป) (see his interview on Manager website). To the yellowest of the Yellow PAD, the PM offered way too much and ostensibly “played into the hand” of the Red Shirts who have been “plotting” for รัฐไทยใหม่/ràt thai mài/, the “New Thai State” which is a republic – as they believe – with Thaksin as president and head of state. Having steadfastly supported Abhisit throughout (and many would say, even installed him in the Government House), the PAD tossed Abhisit under the tuk-tuk unceremoniously, saying he should quit. Posturing or no, it was pretty dramatic and very believable.

While the Red Shirt leaders were struggling to sort things out among themselves, trying to find a unified จุดยืน /jùt yuuen/, “standpoint” (in other words, the doves working on the hawks to come round to their way of thinking to end the protests), the hardliners in the Yellow camp were pressuring the government to end the protests and end it NOW! Prominent leaders such as Chamlong Srimuang who led the 1992 uprising against military dictatorship this time called the government and the military to invoke กฎอัยการศึก /kòt-ai-yá-kaan-sùk/, “martial law” to “end it quickly.” The Yellow Shirts and the government resumed talking of ผู้ก่อการร้าย /phûu kÒO kaan ray/, “terrorists” among the Red Shirts. Some high profile columnists like เปลว สีเงิน (Silver Flame) furiously castigated Abhisit government for being weak and indecisive towards the Red Shirts, leading the way for many commentators and PAD supporters to call the Red Shirts กบฏ /kà-bòt/, “rebels” or “traitors.” Thanong Khanthong of the Nation lambasted Abhisit for saving his own skin and called him “The Great Pretender.”

As the Red Shirts’ position started to swing and sway 3-4 days after the “road map” was announced, the government’s position hardened. PM Abhisit was quoted by the BBC as saying:

“If they don’t go home, I’m not going to dissolve parliament.”

“I repeat, I am not negotiating with anybody … including the protesters.”

My roadmap or the highway?

Amidst loud commotions some faint voices of รักสันติ /rák sǎn-tì/, “peace loving,” civil society groups, activists, NGOs and academics were just barely audible. They seized the PM’s road map and took the opportunity to float around big words like:

ปฏิรูปประเทศ /pà-tì-rûup prà-thêet/, “national reform”

วาระแห่งชาติ /waa-rá hÈEng châat/, “national agenda”

หลักนิติธรรม /làk ní-tì-tham/, “rule of law principle”

นิติรัฐ /ní-tì-rát/, “Rechtsstaat,” “rule of law”

ความเป็นธรรม /khwaam pen tham/, “justice,” “fairness”

ช่องว่างรายได้ /chÔOng wâng raay-dâay/, “income gap”

รัฐสวัสดิการ /rát sà-wàt-dì-kaan/, “welfare state”

ภาคประชาชน /phâak prà-chaa-chon/, “civil society”

การมีส่วนร่วม /kaan mii sàan-rûam/, “participation”

มาตรฐานเดียว /mâat-trà-thǎan diiaw/, “one standard.”

You’d think that the Red Shirts would appreciate these peace-loving folks, at least for what they’re calling for even though they might be boring peaceniks. Unfortunately many Red Shirts seem to have suffered strong affliction of mistrust and anti-intellectualism, and are more than a little disdainful of NGOs and activists. Some went so far as to brand the public intellectuals and social activists อำมาตย์ภาคประชาชน /am-màat phâak prà-chaa-chon/, “civil society aristocrats.”


Rumors and Fantasies

As those interested in the political process of the conflict were holding our breaths on the outcomes of the negotiation and consuming dribbles of news leak from backroom dealings, the majority of Thais were busy feeding on ข่าวลือ /khàaw luue/, “rumors.”

Thaksin was dead!!!!! His (ex-)wife and children were all seen wearing black going to Hong Kong!!!! Thaksin had terminal cancer!!! Thaksin went into a coma while undergoing a chemo therapy!! Thaksin lost all his hair and was wearing a crooked wig and there was a “proof” for it! … So numerous Facebook walls, tweets, email forwards, even newspaper columns (mostly of yellowish tinge) would have the Thai people believe. The “independent” “newspaper you can trust” The Nation was busy analyzing allegedly fake pictures of live Thaksin, finding faults with the background that just seemed off, unnatural shadows or wind blowing trees the wrong way, etc., etc. But finally a Nation report called Thaksin’s number and talked to someone who sounded “real” and definitely just like Thaksin. So after about a week of his mortality in doubt, Thaksin rose from “the dead” and was seen on TV giving interviews from Montenegro. Being no less Thai than their Yellow countrymen and women, the Red Shirts weren’t immune to rumors either. In a rumor of a much smaller scale and intensity circulating among the Reds was that the head of the privy council, General Prem, was believed to be no longer alive because (like Thaksin) he had been unseen in public for some time.

But all that wasn’t so creative and fantastical as the next. The Center for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation or CRES, ศ.อ.ฉ. to Thais, “discovered” a conspiracy of its own: เครือข่ายล้มเจ้า /khrueaa khàay lóm jâaw/ or a “network to overthrow the monarchy.” A convoluted chart that looked messier than any treasure maps Indiana Jones would ever have a misfortune to make sense of was produced by the CRES. Names of many prominent figures closely and marginally related to the Red movement, or even not related but having views not conforming to the official line, were put somewhere in the “network.” Those ready to believe in such a conspiracy gobbled it up. The more skeptical type either scratched their heads or just stared at it wondering at the amount of energy that went into making it. Evidence for such a conspiracy, as in most conspiracies, wasn’t readily available, if there was any.

This chart would be called by some skeptics a “Mind Map” (using the English word). (See a video commentary on Thai taste for rumors and the Mind Map.) A more academic analysis of such a conspiracy as a political tool was given by เกษียร เตชะพีระ Kasian Tejapira here.  Even someone whose name appeared on the Mind Map สมศักดิ์ เจียมธีรสกุล Somsak Jeamteerasakul gave his own take here.)

Getting off the Tiger’s Back – Taking down a Mob

A week past, cracks were apparent in the Red Shirt leadership, though the core leaders strenuously denied it. Many commentators said the Red Shirts couldn’t agree on how to “find the way out,” or หาทางลง /hǎa thaang long/ (lit. “find the way down”) as it was often described in Thai. Neither could they find จุดลงตัว /jùt long tuaa/, lit. “the balanced point,” that all key Reds could agree to that would lead to the exit, a possible way to take down the purring red-clad tiger.

Some veteran protest leaders said it was much easier to rouse a tiger (of a mob) than to pacify it. The core Red Shirt leaders apparently couldn’t agree on how and when to get off the tiger’s back.

It was widely reported that สายพิราบ /sǎay phí-râap/, the “dovish faction,” led by Veera Musikapongse, was losing control to สายเหยี่ยว /sǎay yìiaw/, the “hawkish faction,” led by Jatuporn Prompan. It was seemingly a matter of the Red doves wanting to end the protests, but the Red hawks didn’t. To end or not to end, เลิก หรือ ไม่เลิก /lôoek/ /rǔue/ /mâi lôoek/, was the question. And then “Seh Daeng,” the rogue general, re-entered the scene after having been sort of banished from the Red stage for a while. The Red tiger got roused again by the charismatic rogue general.

So the Red tiger was not pacified or taken down. The protests were not to end. The almost done deal fell apart. Meanwhile, Mr. Veera has disappeared for the Red stage in the last 4-5 days, and was reported by Nirmal Ghosh of the Straits Times on May 14th to have left the leadership of the UDD along with a few other moderate core leaders. (Veera was quoted by some sources saying that during his public disappearance he was busy negotiating with the government, still seeking for a peaceful resolution.)

Seh Daeng or General Khattiya Sawasdipol, a renegade and incendiary figure within and without the Red movement, was seen as a ฮาร์ดคอร์ “hardcore” Red and believed by many to have been closely allied with นายใหญ่ /naay yài/ “the big boss,” i.e. Thaksin. Some conjectured that “the big boss” didn’t want the protests to end.

The Knottiness of the Law

More than a few commentators also pointed to another obstacle that got in the way of the Red Shirts concluding the protests – the knottiness of the law as concerning personal freedom of the core Red leaders if and when the protests end.

The Red Shirt leaders have at least publicly consistently said that they would not ask for นิรโทษกรรม /ní-rá-thôot-sà-kam/, an “amnesty.” But their critics weren’t convinced. The leaders said they would มอบตัว /mÔOp tua/, “turn [themselves] in” to the police for whatever crime the government would charge them with. All the while they insisted that they were not terrorists or traitors bent on ล้มสถาบัน /lóm sà-thǎa-ban/, “overthrowing the monarchy,” so they should not be charged with such hefty crimes as “terrorism” or “treason” – ก่อการร้าย /kÒO kaan ráay/ or กบฏ /kà-bòt/. Some also suggested (without evidence) that the Red leaders were concerned whether if they were to turn themselves in they would not “get bail,” ได้รับการประกันตัว /dâay ráp kaan prà-kan tua/.

Yet, no one can say with any certainty if this issue was really a big concern among the Red leaders. Besides what was mentioned above, what the Red leaders insisted on was the end of the Emergency Decree, พ.ร.ก. ฉุกเฉิน /pOO-rOO-kOO chùk-chǒoen/, which the government steadfastly refused to comply. They also insisted on being treated with the same (legal) standard as applied to those on the government side, singling out Deputy PM Suthep as an example, saying if they would be charged for any crime, then Suthep had to be charged for his orders for the April 10 crackdown too. They demanded that Suthep turn himself in to the police. Suthep readily accepted the (ill thought) challenge and turned himself in to the DSI (Department of Special Investigation), กรมสอบสวนคดีพิเศษ (ดีเอสไอ) /krom sÒOp sǔan khá-dii phí-sèet/. It was a farce of course because there were no charges.

Vigorous media censorship by the government was also an issue of contention. By latest count at least 50,000 websites have been closed down. Red-sympathetic and anti-government media outlets, TV and radio and websites, have been major targets and victims. The government has insisted on keeping “law and order.” Thailand was still in สถานการณ์ฉุกเฉิน /sà-thǎa-ná-kaan chùk-chǒoen/, State of Emergency and no laws were going to be lifted.

A Bullet in the Head and Hell Broke Loose

So State of Emergency we got. A real one. With bullets in people’s heads, guns fired with rubber and live bullets in the air and at bodies, grenades thrown, bombs exploded, a bus burnt, tear gas fired, and more. And that was just in the last 24 hours.

The government finally decided to take ปฏิบัติการขั้นเด็ดขาด /pà-tì-bàt-kaan khân dèt-khàat/, a “decisive action,” to bring an end to the mob; if the protesters were not willing to ยุติการชุมนุม /yú-tì kaan-chum-num/, “end the demonstrations,” on their own accord, then it would have to สลายการชุมนุม /sà-lǎay kaan-chum-num/, “disperse the demonstrations,” (though less formal people would call it สลายม็อบ /sà-lǎay mÒp/, “disperse the mob”).

The government started locking down Rajaprasong area, the main protest site, from 6pm of Thursday night. APCs and troops in full combat gears moved in several hot spots. It said the troops were needed to กดดัน /kòt dan/, “pressure” the protesters to go home and to “separate the innocents,” แยกผู้บริสุทธิ์ /yÊEk phûu bOO-rí-sùt/, from the “terrorists.” As to how it would or could accomplish that is anybody’s guess.

Just one hour after the lock down on Thursday night, the dramatic beginning of the crackdown of the Red Shirts began. Seh Daeng was shot with a sniper bullet in the head while giving interviews to several reporters, including Thomas Fuller of the International Herald Tribune. This was the picture captured by a Nation reporter Somruethai nearly 50,000 people would see in the first 24 hours, and Fuller gave his account of the moment Seh Daeng was shot here. No one took responsibility of the shooting. The shooter was most probably a highly skilled sniper. The army and government denied any role in the shooting. [UPDATES: Seh Daeng was taken to Hua Chiew Hospital and then moved to Vajjira Hospital (though he was shot near Chula Hospital), and is now still on life support in ICU.]

The following day would see more mayhem and casualties. Clashes were reported throughout the day and continued into the night. By midnight of Friday May 14th, reports gleaned on Twitter had between 7-10 dead, 101 injured (9 in ICU). 

(See reports by CNN and the BBC’s Alastair Leithead and Rachel Harvey for incidents during the day of May 14th, and Patrick Winn’s for his account of Friday night.) The army and CRES declared it would continue to กระชับพื้นที่ /krà-cháp phúuen-thîi/, “tighten the area.” Fears loom large that more would happen over the night.

[UPDATES: By 6am on Saturday, May 15th, casualties increased to 16 dead and 141 injured - of those killed were 14 men and 1 woman and a 10-yr-old child was among the injured, shot in the stomach. By night time the number of dead rose to 24, and the 10-yr-old boy finally succumbed.]

The End of the Beginning or the Beginning of the End?

(Sources for this section are from Twitter.)

Friday night was also a busy night for TV press conferences. The government spokesman Panitan came on to explain and clarify the rules of engagement that troops were ordered to only fire live rounds “into the air” and “in self-defense” and to “attack people in general.” He also said that the troops only acted in response to a “group of people, possibly Red Shirts,” “attacking authorities.” Meanwhile, PM Abhisit was still “willing to work with civil society on the road map.” (bangkokpundit, Journotopia)

Meanwhile the CRES spokesman Colonel Sansern Kaewkamnerd gave his own:

“People have been trying to distort news… The public have seen footages of troops firing, but haven’t seen reds shooting at troops… Men on motorcycles using grenades tried to increase provocation on troops’ barricades… Troops will never use bombs. Will fire one bullet at a time only.” (tulsathit)

Thaksin came out to make an announcement of his own early in the night, calling for stop in siege, lift of emergency law, talks and reconciliation (see Bangkok Post). (thaitvnews)

Of all, the biggest news flash of the night went to Sondhi Limthongkul who appeared on ASTV for the first time in months. He announced his resignation from the News Politics Party and to resume PAD leadership. (TAN_Network) Last but not least, he also said:

วันนี้ผมมองข้ามนายกฯอภิสิทธิ์ไปแล้ว …ไม่มีความหมายสำหรับผม (Nattha_tvthai)

“Today, I look beyond Abhisit … [He] no longer matters to me.”


>>Discussion on New Mandala: “Bangkok: A dangerous new phase” and “Crackdown? Abhisit’s Last Stand?”

>>My own summary of the five-point road map as explained (in Thai) by the PM as reported in Kom Chad Luek (4 May 2010).  (I have taken the essence of each point and avoided paraphrasing as much as possible.)

  1. ประชาชนทุกฝ่าย “ช่วยกันปกป้องเทิดทูนสถาบัน กษัตริย์และพระบรมวงศานุวงศ์ ไม่ให้มีสื่อใดจาบจ้างสถาบัน” เพื่อไม่ให้สถาบัน “ถูกดึงมาสู่ความขัดแย้งทางการเมือง”
  2. เนื่องจาก “พี่น้องที่มาชุมนุม” ไม่ได้รับความเป็นธรรมและโอกาส “พี่น้องจะได้รับการดูแลด้วยระบบสวัสดิการที่ดี การศึกษา สาธารณสุข และการมีอาชีพ มีรายได้ มีความมั่นคงในชีวิต รวมถึงพี่น้องที่มีเรื่องทุกข์ร้อน มีหนี้สิน ไม่มีที่ดินทำกิน จะได้รับการดูแลอย่างเป็นระบบ” และจะ “ดึงเอาทุกภาคส่วนเข้ามาช่วย แก้ไขปัญหาอย่างเป็นระบบ”
  3. “เทคโนโลยีปัจจุบันกลาย เป็นเครื่องมือทางการเมือง” “เราจะต้องทำให้สื่อทุก สื่อมีอิสระในการเสนอข่าว แต่ไม่ใช่การนำเสนอข่าวที่สร้างความแตกแยก ละเมิดสิทธิ ถ้าเราทำให้สื่อมีอิสระได้เราจะลดความขัดแย้งได้อย่างรวดเร็ว”
  4. “จะต้องมีการตรวจสอบ มีการดำเนินการตามกฎหมาย ถึงสาเหตุที่มาที่ไป” ของเหตุการณ์รุนแรงที่เกดขึ้นในการชุมนุมตั้งแต่เดือนมีนาคมเป็นต้นมา “เราจะมีการตั้งคณะกรรมการอิสระเพื่อเข้ามาตรวจสอบเพื่อให้ความเป็น ธรรมทุกฝ่าย เพื่อให้ความจริงปรากฏกับประชาชนได้รับทราบ”
  5. “จัดการกับปัญหา” ความไม่เป็นธรรมในกติกาการเมือง “เพื่อให้ความเป็นธรรมกับทุกฝ่าย ซึ่งครอบคลุมตั้งแต่ประเด็นการแก้รัฐธรรมนูญจนถึงการชุมนุมเกิน 5 คน ที่ทำให้ไปสู่ความขัดแย้ง”

>>For more Thai political terms see The Reigning Vocabulary of Thai Colored Politics.

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Craze for the Nation and Fear

Posted on May 3, 2010 | 6 Comments

ความคลั่งชาติและความกลัว

Not so many days ago I saw on Facebook a comment by a Yellow-Shirt supporter that staggered me, though it didn’t quite knock me off my chair. It went something like this:

Some people called us คลั่งชาติ. So what? We’re still better than those who are not only not helping but only get in the way.

Not shocking by Thai Facebook standard these days surely, but very telling and thought provoking. So, what is this word คลั่งชาติ?

Literally คลั่งชาติ /khlâng châat/ translates as “crazy for the nation.” In bookspeak it’s “ultra-nationalism” or nationalism (ชาตินิยม /châat ní-yom/) in overdrive.

Crazy for LOVE

It wasn’t so much the word (คลั่งชาติ /khlâng châat/) itself that caught my attention (since it’s nothing new), or even the commenter’s tacit admission that she was indeed crazy for love of the country, though I thought that was interesting too. What intrigued (and staggered) me was that the person thought she was “better than those who are not only not helping but only get in the way.” At first (still a bit dazed from staggering) I wondered: not helping to do what?; getting in the way of what? (The person inconsiderately left the comment hanging like that.)

Then I had a palm-on-the-forehead moment. What was left unsaid was (duh!) helping “to protect the nation.” Suddenly Thai people’s loud cries about protecting and saving major national institutions flooded my consciousness (and made me momentarily dizzy). Images of many signs and slogans flashed through my brains: those in the pro-government rallies, on numerous Facebook pages, in the mainstream media, on Twitter, etc. where I found Thais talking politics. These words popped up again and again: “protect” (ปกป้อง /pòk-pÔOng/), “save” (พิทักษ์ /phí-ták/), “preserve” (รักษา /rák-sǎa/), “praise” (ยกย่อง /yók-yÔOng/), “uphold” (เชิดชู /chôoet-chuu/). One that popped up the most is the word “love” (รัก /ràk/).

Yes, “LOVE” (to reflect the true sentiment it is spelled in capital letters). But this is not the kind of romantic love that we know and seek everyday. It is a higher, long-lasting, undying, etched-in-the-heart-and-soul kind of LOVE that romantic love can never hope to compare. It’s the kind of LOVE that borders on maniacal worship that is reserved solely for the Nation, Religion and King (ชาติ ศาสน์ กษัตริย์ /ràk châat sàat kà-sàt/). This is patriotic LOVE (รักชาติ /ràk châat/), “LOVE of the NATION,” that Thais have for the motherland. It’s LOVE that is greater than life itself (รักชาติยิ่งชีพ /rák châat yîng chîip/) that soldiers defending national territories at war are expected to feel.

What’s unusual is that in Thailand civilians feel this kind of LOVE everyday, though on some days more than others. Recent days have been the days that this LOVE is roused to a new height as though the country were at war and in danger of losing its sovereignty. All of a sudden, ordinary citizens rise up and assume the role of the “Protectors of the Nation,”  “Preservers of the Land” (ผู้ปกป้องแผ่นดิน /phûu pòk-pÔOng phÈEn-din/), zealously “protecting the institution” (ปกป้องสถาบัน /pòk-pÔOng sà-thǎa-ban/), even leaving the soldiers the official protectors a little disconcerted.

From LOVE to CRAZE

Thais use the expression รักชาติ /ràk châat/ in both positive and negative terms. Those feeling strong attachment and adulation for the country say they รักชาติ “LOVE the NATION”. A large of number of these patriots have recently been quick to accuse those who they believe or suspect to lack that LOVE as ไม่รักชาติ /mâi rák châat/, “unpatriotic”. And if the suspicion is strong that a person or group is not feeling due LOVE and devotion to any of the three key institutions, the person or group’s loyalty to the Thai nation is questioned. What often follows is a branding of that person or group as ไม่ใช่คนไทย /mâi châi khon thai/ (“not Thai”). They may be asked a question เป็นคนไทยหรือเปล่า /pen khon thai rǔue plàw/ (“Are you Thai?”), though the question is more rhetorical and accusatory than literal. Ultimately, if the person or group has been decided (with or without sound evidence), the strongest condemnation ensues: คนขายชาติ /khon khǎay châat/ or ทรยศชาติ /tOO-ra-yot châat/ (“traitor”) or กบฏ /kà-bòt/ (“rebel”).

Accusing someone of treason or instigating a rebellion is very serious in any country, including Thailand where conviction of treason carries a death penalty or life imprisonment. Although in today’s Thailand few people get convicted of treason, being merely accused will likely make one an outcast (not to mention possible real dangers for personal safety). Past Thai “rebels” and “traitors” invariably ended up with life in exile. Those deemed “unpatriotic” may face life in prison (เข้ากรง /khâw krong/) for long years or find they don’t have a land to stand on (ไม่มีแผ่นดินอยู่ /mâi mii phÈEn-din yùu/ as aspiring “rebels” are often warned.

Given such harsh punishment, why are Thais so quick to brand their fellow Thais “traitors” and “rebels”, or “unpatriotic”?

I believe it is due to their “LOVE of the NATION” that has gone to excess. The LOVE has become the “CRAZE of the NATION.” And as mentioned earlier, this LOVE is greater than life, so even in a society in which people relate to one another as “brothers and sisters” (พี่น้อง /phîi nÔOng/), the social kinship is overridden by this LOVE – or CRAZE, rather. Brothers and sisters suspected of committing a “thought crime” may be put at an arm’s length. Recent development in this regard has become quite alarming. Brothers and sisters suspected of national disloyalty can be publicly vilified and pilloried, like on this Facebook page. Today dutiful patriotic citizens are following Big Brother’s instruction to report suspected unpatriotic thought criminals. Phone numbers to report such crimes have been widely circulated via Facebook and Twitter and probably other places where I haven’t looked.

CRAZE from FEAR

You ask how a healthy patriotic love became crazy LOVE and transformed into CRAZE for the NATION? I could be wrong, but I think fear has much to do with LOVE turning into CRAZE. But if you asked how the original love ever became crazy LOVE to begin with, then I suggest you read my previous article “Harmony and Hate.”

So, when love has been contaminated by FEAR, it becomes crazy and irrational LOVE. And as is often the case, irrational love further breeds irrational fear which further poisons and breeds hate.

But FEAR of what?

I admit I don’t fully understand this. But I’ve just had a glimpse of such irrational fear – not one so potent but distinct enough to have surprised me and gave me some understanding.

I witnessed up close a few days ago how one of my good friends (a perfectly nice and extremely friendly and kind person) was very afraid of passing through a street – in a car with friends – where there was a very small gathering of Red Shirts. There wasn’t any fighting or confrontation going on. No protesters carried anything resembling weapons that I could see, though they made some loud noises. All sticks were attached to either a red flag or a Thai national flag, which the protesters were waving. The incident wasn’t in Bangkok (but my friend is from Bangkok) and it happened just at the time that the Red Shirts were storming in Chula Hospital and we were checking our Blackberries and iPhones for news updates.

Noted Thai historian Thongchai Wanichakul wrote a very insightful analysis of fear of the Red Shirts among the Bangkokians today on New Mandala. In the context of the Reds’ “invasion” of Chula Hospital, he said many Bangkokians were “ready to be frightened.”

Their fear of the Reds is real, no matter if they have never witnessed a horror by the Reds. They can learn about the Reds’ horror everyday from the media.

(See more of his in-depth analysis on New Mandala – highly recommended.)

Real and Manufactured Fear

The role of media in stoking the fear among the Bangkokians is critical of course. But all the recent psy ops by the government and anti-Red forces in my view have fallen on already fertile grounds because, as Prof. Thongchai suggested, people are “ready to be frightened.” Their fear has turned into FEAR with heavy stoking, but the original fear was already there.

In a somewhat simplistic analogy, the original fear was like a fear of a poor distant cousin who’s considered embarrassingly simple and uncouth and good for nothing. The Bangkokian doesn’t know much about this cousin at all and has never really paid attention to what he really does or who he really is – least about his problems. This cousin is said to be to be in town, so the Bangkokian is a bit anxious that he might come to visit to ask for money or cause a nuisance. Then the potty-mouthed gossip mongers in the neighborhood start retelling her the scary accounts they heard from someone who knew someone else who had it on a “good authority” that this distant cousin might actually be a fugitive suspected of violent crimes, possibly even murder. The Bangkokian has listened to this for days. Even her friends who have heard the same “news” from the same gossip mongers start warning her to avoid this cousin.

So, the original fear mixed with embarrassment and a little disdain became FEAR of supposed dangers. The potentially embarrassing distant poor relative became a scary, dangerous monster worthy of major FEAR.

In all this, the Bangkokian doesn’t really have the full facts about that cousin but she’s not going to take any chances and receive him in her house. She figures it’s better to be safe than sorry and proceeds to close all the doors and windows and pretend she isn’t home. If there’ll be any strange knocks on the door, she thinks she’ll call the police – or, on second thought, maybe not, since she doesn’t trust the police much either. So she might have to call a trusted neighbor with guns for help then.

The Danger of Fear

The FEAR that Bangkokians have of the Red Shirts seems irrational and at least partly manufactured. But manufactured or real, irrational or otherwise, this FEAR is dangerous for both the present and future of Thailand.

In times of uncertainty and conflict, fear is normal, and there may be some cause for legitimate fear of some elements in the Red Shirts. However, fear that is out of proportion can become paranoia and paranoia is no basis for rational thinking or finding solution to the conflict, or sustainable peace and reconciliation in a society long term.

Both sides of the divide in the current Thai conflict have been guilty of stoking hatred and fear. The power struggle may come down to Thais killing Thais as many of us fear, or as it seems hopeful this evening, end in a compromise without further bloodshed (see reports by AP and BBC). But nothing is certain.

However it will end, there remains a real danger of Thais viewing Thais as “enemies” after such an intense and sustained period of vilification. The ugly face that each side has painted on the other may follow to haunt us in the future like our own shadow.

The question is: Will we recognize this shadow as our own and reconcile with the ugly past? Will we learn to care and respect each other as human beings on a more equal footing? Or will we continue to be scared by our own shadow and mistake it for an enemy to loath and fear?

Change is scary. Losing something you’ve always taken for granted is even scarier. But I hope eventually Thais will learn to learn a lesson when that time of change comes.

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Harmony and Hate: The Strange Thai Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde

Posted on April 27, 2010 | 7 Comments

สามัคคี กับ ความเกลียดชัง: กรณีประหลาดของหมอเจคเกิลกับมิสเตอร์ไฮด์ในประเทศไทย

Disdain. Disgust. Vitriol. Violence. Hatred. Suspicion. Ill Will. Paranoia. These are what fill the air and are spreading like viruses in Thailand at the moment. No wonder I’ve been feeling so ill of late with headaches that would not go away – not a normal occurrence for me. But it’s not a normal time in the Land of Smiles. What a misnomer now: “Land of Smiles.” It feels more like “Land of Hate.”

To my great distress, Thais have just turned into the most rabid hate and fear mongers, a fact anyone who’s followed Thai politics in the past few weeks cannot have missed. The transformation of the Thai national character from a gentle and friendly people to a tribe of venomous and bloodthirsty misanthropes was so swift and drastic as to stagger even the most sober person.

Do we have a case of a Thai Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde here? I believe we do.

Introducing Dr. Jekyll

First, let’s have a look at the Thai Dr. Jekyll – the polite, personable, sociable, and hospitable Thai that you have always known (or thought you knew), who is so easy to smile, takes things easy (sometimes too easy), avoids conflicts like a plague and always knows how to have fun. This is the character that we Thais also believe ourselves to be, the amiable and cultured Dr. Jekyll of the “Land of Smiles.”

Thais are a “peace-loving” (รักสงบ /rák sà-ngòp/) people, most Thais believe. How can we not? Copious history lessons together with the many nationalistic songs we learned to sing by heart have drilled that notion into our heads. This “peace loving” characteristic may not bear up close scrutiny given that we have also been taught the glory of wars in which Thais bravely fought and killed our enemies – many times. But that doesn’t really matter because we’ve never really felt the need to scrutinize our past – to glorify it maybe but never to look too closely at our past, or present. On most days we are perfectly happy with our notion of who we are – a proud, free-spirited, peace-loving people. Any discrepancy in our collective belief and the truth has been conveniently left undisturbed except in some small, thus far irrelevant, academic corners where such things matter. It is also convenient that most disagreeable episodes in our history such as ones in which Thais killed each other are normally left out of schoolrooms and social discourse, or get too quick a passing mention that they become so blurry, only a determined few try to reflect upon them.

In all school and social activities, every Thai learns the concept of Harmony (สามัคคี /sǎa-mâk-kii/). That is, we are Thais, we Love each other and we should “Join our Hearts as One” (มีน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน /mii náam nùeng jai diiaw kan/). Whatever happens, we are taught, we are family, “brothers and sisters” (พี่น้อง /phîi nÓOng/) and we need to find ways to agree, “give and take and compromise” (อลุ้มอล่วย /à-lúm à-lùuay/). Harmony in society is of utmost importance and a foremost virtue to keep and to protect for the sake of our “Nation, Religion and King” (ชาติ ศาสนา พระมหากษัตริย์ /châat, sàat-sà-nǎa, phrá-má-hǎa-kà-sàt/), the three key pillars of our society and the testament to what it means to be Thai and what it means to belong. These ideals have made an indelible imprint in our psyche.

Here Comes Mr. Hyde

But what’s just happened evidently shows that the good Dr. Jekyll of Thailand has suffered a serious psychotic breakdown. Friends of Thailand (heck, even Thais) can no longer recognize the good Dr. Jekyll and can only see the vile and ugly face of Mr. Hyde who is terrorizing the citizens of Thailand. It cannot be denied now that Thailand has a split personality. More even start to recollect memories of the suppressed dark episodes in our not-so-distant past – not that remembering is having any effect on the terrorizing Mr. Hyde.

What brought about this latest psychotic episode in which Dr. Jekyll has once again lost control to his alternate personality, Mr. Hyde? And will the good doctor ever regain control over his evil self? I don’t know. I hope so, but I’m afraid it won’t be easy.

The terror of Mr. Hyde lies not only in his capacity for violence, but also because he is guided solely by primal instinct. Unburdened by any code of morality, his actions are hence unrestrained.

These days I often shudder when I read and hear things uttered by my fellow Thais. Many Thais are no longer relating to each other as humans, but as animals and monsters: stupid “buffalos” (ควาย /kwaay/) and nasty “lizards” (เหี้ย /hîia/) rank among the top. Polite Thais now use the most vulgar forms of address with one another, though still largely behind keyboards. It seems, more Thais now have very little respect for other Thais as human beings, if they don’t wear the same political colored shirts. Those who resist one color or another, or try to talk principles rather than ride on the psychotic tides, are deemed suspicious. “Us or them” is the reigning mentality. If you agree with them, you are “true” Thai. If you don’t, you are suspected as “fake” Thai or “fake” something or hiding your true color.

I witness some nice and gentle school friends turn into hideous and vicious creatures who spew out hate and vulgarity and clamor for death and destruction of “the enemies” who wear different colored shirts. How much more simplistic can it get? Hating others based on their shirt color? Wishing them dead because of their shirt color, because they are “stupid,” because they love someone you hate, or because they are suspected to hate someone you love? Is the psychosis that unleashed the evil Mr. Hyde so simplistic as this or is it possibly rooted in something a little more complex?

The Root of the Thai Jekyll-Hyde Psychosis

Obviously the Thai Harmony has broken down. สามัคคี (samakki) now cannot be taken for granted, when parties in conflict no longer wish to compromise. A large number of Thais don’t feel they are valued in society and Harmony hasn’t done them much good. Some may no longer feel they belong, while those enjoying the status quo don’t see anything wrong and are deaf to others’ complaints.

Thais now question national loyalty of others who have different views from their own. The epithet มึงเป็นคนไทยหรือเปล่า (“Are you f**king Thai?”) is hurled freely. Different viewpoints are considered disagreements that are taken personally. The subsequent attacks are hence also personal, unrestrained, juvenile, even childish in nature. Those who disagree become suddenly “traitors” of the Nation: คนขายชาติ ทรยศชาติ and so forth (see The Reigning Vocabulary of Thai Colored Politics).

The Harmony in the Thai brother and sisterhood has ruptured, leaving a deep divide; brothers and sisters have become enemies who can be wished dead and whose lives can be dispensed with in order to preserve Unity and Harmony – at least more than a few have said so.

How can a society that so extols harmony and unity be so intolerant and vicious towards its own? I see the culprit in the Thai education and socialization. In other words, the Thai society has created its own monster; it has nurtured its own Mr. Hyde. By extolling unity and harmony at the expense of other no less lofty values, in particular the pursuit of knowledge and truth, Thais have learned to abhor differences in thoughts or any diversity in behavior and identity because, I believe, Thais have mistaken Uniformity for Harmony. Thais have not been taught to value pursuit of knowledge and truth through independent learning and open discussion with those with differing viewpoints.

“Truth” in Thai society is often something that has been agreed upon (those in power get to agree of course, and those not in power get to accept the agreement and the truth). “Truth” in the Thai concept is not something unalterable that is based on facts and supported by logical reasoning. Many Thais, even those with many years of schooling, are often unable or uninterested in developing and articulating serious thoughts or analyses. Not because Thais are stupid, but because serious thoughts and analyses are usually not required for success in Thai society, so many Thais have not got enough practice in serious thinking. I believe Red Shirts have real grievances but they have so far been unable to articulate clearly their grievances and what they really want – this is not helped by the fact that many of their leaders are inarticulate blockheads. On the other hand, many anti-Red Shirts are simply uninterested in knowing if the Red Shirts might have real grievances because they have already prejudged them as having only one motive: to reinstall the square-faced devil. There is a conspicuous lack of interest in the majority of Thais to listen to or to seek what the protesters want because of this prejudgment as well as the common lack of interest or capacity to seek the truth.

Thais have never been taught to like vigorous debates because they are too uncomfortably confrontational, and likely disrupt the jealousy guarded Harmony. We are not encouraged to sort through our differences with reasons and principles but through agreement and compromise. So when agreement and compromise are not possible, we go haywire. We are unable to deal with conflicts in any other way and so resort to the only other means available: primal emotions or faith. I’m not saying there are no Thais with intellectual maturity who can rise above primal instinct and programmed thoughts. There are many but there are not enough of them to withstand the overwhelming tide of raw emotions and unreason.

The fact that Thai society has long been closely attached to militarism, Thais have also learned to view uniformity and order as desirable and harsh discipline for any divergence (แตกแถว /tÈEk thĚEw/ – going out of line) as expected, or even necessary. (See Exhibit A: overwhelming support among Thais for many military coups in the past half century.)

Thais have a strong tribal mentality – love ones of our own and hate those that don’t belong. We have great capacity to love and to hate intensely and irrationally. It doesn’t sound very modern or very attractive, but face it, that’s what we are: Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.

Will Dr. Jekyll recover and find the right formula to make the potion needed to put an end to Mr. Hyde? I believe eventually he probably will, but perhaps not before Mr. Hyde has a chance to wreck more havoc. But more importantly, will Dr. Jekyll learn a lesson and find a way to deal with his inner demon? Will he ever learn that there is good and evil in all of us, that nobody is all good or all evil, and that the key to survival is to come to terms with one’s real self?

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The Reigning Vocabulary of Thai Colored Politics

Posted on April 19, 2010 | 19 Comments

……..UPDATE (15 May 2010)……..

See a sequel to this post “Reconciliation Talk” (Thai-Style) & Bullets in the Head (Mafia-Style).

……..UPDATE (2 May 2010)……..

One week since last update, propaganda war between the Reds and government has become clear as day, increasingly fierce and sinister. Rumors of Thaksin’s death were spreading like wild fire for most of the week until he emerged on Twitter , gave an interview yesterday, and as reported by Matichon seemingly alive and well… And just before I posted this update, just after 6pm on Sunday evening Bangkok time, Tulsathit of the Nation reported on Twitter that his colleague had made a phone contact with Mr. Thaksin himself! (But some are still skeptical whether he’s really still alive.)

In the past week, the Red Shirts managed a spectacular PR disaster by storming into Chulalongkorn Hospital to locate the “hidden soldiers”, giving the government an opportunity for a negative PR campaign against the Reds for terrorizing the sick and the weak. Government media promptly bombarded the airwaves and citizens’ sensibilities with images of child, elderly and sick patients who had to be moved from Chula to another hospital. The government gained the upper hand and appeared to be even less inclined to talk to the Reds after it snubbed the Reds’ overture to settle for elections in 90 days after the Silom incident.

As hope for any peaceful resolution dimmed further, the government was very busy closing down hundreds of websites (at least 400-500 last heard) and summoning a number of people suspected to be sympathetic to Reds for a face-to-face talk, including student leaders (see here and here). Several, I don’t know exactly how many, who expressed unseemly views on websites or Facebook weren’t as much asked but hauled to jail for lèse majesté .

Meanwhile, many Thai citizens have also eagerly cooperated in the frenzy, expressing views in all manners and modes of communication. An alarming number seem to even relish in the sport of throwing like darts, insults, curses and death wishes against the enemies all over the web boards, facebook pages, Twitter and airwaves.

Citizens have become increasingly uneasy and are bracing themselves for something terrible to come, while all is still nerve-wreckingly topsy turvy. As of Sunday evening, the Red leaders appear for the first time repentant; they said they were sorry for the Chula Hospital fiasco and willing to accept responsibility and condemnation for their actions from all sides as reported in Thairath. (Surely, they’ve got plenty of condemnations whether they are willing to accept them or not but good to know that they are, finally.) After some negotiation with the police, the Reds cleared their blockade in front of Chula Hospital.

On the government side, it seems the focus is still on getting Red protesters out of the rally zone. Government spokesman said they might send SMS messages to protesters to return home (after fliers and loudspeakers had failed). As for possible solutions, the spokesman said the PM was considering 3 options: (1) political, (2) legal (arrest warrants?), and (3) “taking care of protesting area”. Read it however you will.

I made some edits (not major, just some refinement) and added a couple more words to the list (latest addition in GREEN). A new addition of note is เกี้ยเซี้ย kîia sîia (see under “Political concepts/key words”).

……..UPDATE (23 April 2010)……..

Escalation of war of words and more breakouts of violence in Silom rally site. More than 40 words have been added to the list.

……..UPDATE (20 April 2010)……..

Thanks to your suggestions, I’ve added many more words to the list and rearranged the order a bit with three additional categories: on media; insinuations and epithets; miscellaneous slang terms and expressions. Please note that new additions are integrated into the existing list. I plan to continue to add to the list, so if you don’t see any frequently used words on the list, please do let me know. Thanks in advance.

………..ORIGINAL POST………..

First off, sorry for a long hiatus. I was snatched and detained by a gang of goblins who made me … but that’s not what interests my readers, I’m sure.

By now, no discerning persons can have any doubt that besides physical violence that has already materialized and is showing signs to worsen, we are in the midst of a psychological warfare in which Thais are pitted against one another with words as weapons and venom. I refrain from lamenting about the dangers of unrestrained emotions, propaganda and incitement of hatred, for many have already done so. Plus one more lamentation by me isn’t going to change a thing.

I have compiled a set of Thai vocabulary in the current political discourse (วาทกรรมการเมือง waa-thá-kam kaan-mueaang) frequently used by protesters of various colors, government officials, mainstream media, and commentators of all stripes in new media platforms. Some expressions have been around for some time, others are new. Some are official, formal concepts and terms, others are new concoctions and slang. The vocabulary is organized in (editorialized) groups as follows:

  • color-shirted players
  • political actions called for/suggested that have not yet come to pass
  • measures attempted and failed
  • law and order measures and actors
  • political concepts/key words
  • on media
  • slogans of Red Shirts
  • slogans of Yellow Shirts and other-colored (non-red) pro-government groups
  • mystery men
  • characterizations, insults, curses and accusations
  • insinuations and epithets
  • miscellaneous slang terms and expressions.

Obviously the list is informal, somewhat subjective and not exhaustive, but I hope the words and their meanings and connotations will speak for themselves and offer a meaningful reflection of today’s Thailand. You can draw your own conclusions.

Note: I provide a Roman transliteration for each word/phrase for those unable to read Thai scripts in gray text. If you are not familiar with the transliteration system, see phonetic guide here.

Color-shirted players

เสื้อแดง sûeaa dEEng = Red Shirt(s), UDD

น.ป.ช. nOO-pOO-chOO (แนวร่วมประชาธิปไตยต่อต้านเผด็จการแห่งชาติ) = National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), anti-government political pressure group aka ‘Red Shirts’, many of whom are supporters of ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra; currently calling for house dissolution and new elections >>see background on Wikipedia

เสื้อเหลือง sûeaa lǔeaang = Yellow Shirt(s), PAD

พันธมิตร pan-thá-mít (พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย (พธม.)) = People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), pro-government, pro-monarchy, anti-Thaksin political pressure group aka ‘Yellow Shirts’ >>see background on Wikipedia

เสื้อน้ำเงิน sûeaa náam-ngooen = Blue Shirt(s), a very small group (not a mass movement) that first emerged in early 2009 with focused, sporadic vigilante actions against Red Shirts, a non-official trained force of young men believed to be associated with the Buriram politician Newin Chidchob >>see background on Thai Wikipedia

เสื้อชมพู sûeaa chom-puu = Pink Shirt(s), new (and so far relatively small) movement clad in pink shirts, first gathered in April 2010 at Lumpini Park – pro-monarchy, pro-government, against Red Shirts and dissolution of parliament<during the few days since the original post, Pink Shirts have started to mix with multicolored shirts

เสื้อหลากสี sûeaa làak sǐi = Multi-colored Shirts, newly emerging group of people wearing different colored shirts (but not red or yellow) right after the emergence of Pink Shirts – pro-government, anti-Red Shirts, anti-house dissolution<on 22 April, a new term ABR (Anything But Red) emerged on Twitter, the movement is also now sometimes dubbed Rainbow

ไม่มีสี mâi-mii-sǐi = No Color (Shirts), same position as Multi-colored and Pink Shirts,

แดงแท้ dEEng tÉE = true Red

แดงเทียม dEEng tiiam แดงปลอม dEEng plOOm = fake Red

แดงสยาม dEEng sà-yǎam = Siam Red, name of Red Shirt faction believed to have Communist ideology led by Surachai Danwattananusorn นายสุรชัย (แซ่ด่าน) ด่านวัฒนานุสรณ์ (and in league with Jakrapob Penkair, former Thaksin’s aide)

สามเกลอ sǎam klooe = The Three Stooges, term widely used to refer to the three principal Red Shirt leaders, Veera Musikapongse วีระ มุสิกพงศ์ (head of UDD), Jatupron Phromphan จตุพร พรหมพันธุ์, and Natthawut Saikuea นายณัฐวุฒิ ใสยเกื้อ

ทหารแตงโม thá-hǎan tEEng-moo = watermelon soldiers (soldiers who are Red sympathizers)

ตำรวจมะเขือเทศ tam-rùat má-khǔeaa-thêet = tomato police (police who are Red)

Political actions called for/suggested that have not yet come to pass (so far)

เลือกตั้ง lûeaak tâng = (general) elections

ยุบสภา yúp sà-phaa = dissolution of parliament

ลาออก laa ÒOk = resignation (of prime minister)

ยุบพรรค yúp phák = dissolution of a political party

รับผิดชอบ ráp phìt chÔOp = take responsibility

หาทางออก hǎa thaang ÒOk = find a solution (lit. ‘find an exit’)

มาตรการทางการเมือง mâat-trà-kaan thaang kaan mueaang = political measure

Measures attempted and failed (so far)

การเจรจา kaan jee-rá-jaa = talk, negotiation

มาตรการทางทหาร mâat-trà-kaan thaang thá-hǎan = military measure

ปฏิบัติการขอคืนพื้นที่ pà-tì-bàt kaan khǑO khuuen phúuen-thîi = operation to reclaim the (protest) area <term used by government and its supporters

สลายการชุมนุม sà-lǎay kaan chum-num สลายม็อบ sà-lǎay móp = disperse demonstrations, disperse mob, crackdown <terms used by demonstrators, media and commentators

จับแกนนำ chàp kEEn nam = arrest core leaders (of the red shirt demonstrators)

Law and order measures and actors

สถานการณ์ฉุกเฉิน sà-thǎa-ná-kaan chùk-chǒoen = State of Emergency

พ.ร.ก. ฉุกเฉิน pOO-rOO-kOO chùk-chǒoen (พระราชกำหนดการบริหารราชการในสถานการณ์ฉุกเฉิน พ.ศ. ๒๕๔๘) = Emergency Decree (2005) <created during Thaksin administration and used in deep south

พ.ร.บ. ความมั่นคงภายใน pOO-rOO-bOO khwaam-mân-khong phaay-nai (พระราชบัญญัติความมั่นคงภายในราชอาณาจักร พ.ศ. ๒๕๕๑) = Internal Security Act (2008) <created during Gen Surayuth junta government after overthrow of Thaksin

ศ.อ.ฉ sǑO-OO-chǑO (ศูนย์อำนวยการแก้ไข สถานการณ์ฉุกเฉิน) = Center for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES) <special operation unit under Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC); its headquarters are located in the 11th Infantry Regiment, the King’s Guard

ศอรส. sǑO-OO-rOO-sǑO (ศูนย์อำนวยการรักษาความสงบ) = Center for the Administration of Peace and Order (CAPO) <created when the Internal Security Act 2008 was enforced, then later became CRES when the Emergency Decree was announced >>see CAPO website and more background here

ราบ 11 râap-sìp-èt (กรมทหารราบที่ ๑๑ รักษาพระองค์ (ร. 11 อ.)) = 11th Infantry Regiment, the King’s Guard

กอ.รมน. kOO-OO-rOO-mOO-nOO (กองอำนวยการ รักษาความมั่นคงภายใน)  = Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), a military unit responsible for internal national security <successor of CSOC (Communist Suppression Operations Command) created in 1966 with assistance from United States as part of anti-Communist insurgency >>see background on Wikipedia

ทหาร thá-hǎan = soldier (if refers to a person), army/military (if refers to an institution)

ตำรวจปราบจลาจล tam-rùuat pràap jà-laa-jon = riot control police

คอมมานโด khom-maan-doo = (police) commandos

กฎอัยการศึก kòt-ai-yá-kaan-sùk = martial law <increasingly loudly called for by government supports and non-red shirts

Political concepts/key words

ไพร่ phrâi (archaic term) = serf, citizen, peasant, commoner in old Thai feudal system <term used by Red Shirts

อำมาตย์ am-màat (archaic term) = royal adviser/counsel, senior courtier/minister (in absolute monarchy), meaning in recent usage has broadened to general aristocracy (commonly spelled amart or amartaya in English) <term used by Red Shirts

>>for insightful commentary on and historical perspective into phrai and amart discourse, see this article in Matichon by เกษียร เตชะพีระ

อำมาตยาธิปไตย am-màat-tà-yaa-thíp-pà-tai = bureaucratic polity (lit. political system in which aristocrats/bureaucrats rule)

ประชาธิปไตย prà-chaa-thíp-pà-tai = democracy (lit. political system in which the people rule)

ชาติ ศาสนา พระมหากษัตริย์ châat, sàat-sà-nǎa, phrá-má-hǎa-kà-sàt = Nation, Religion, King

ศักดินา sàk-dì-naa = feudalism (spelled sakdina in English)

รากหญ้า râak yâa = grassroots (connotation: rural, poor) <term often used in connection with Red Shirts, especially recently

นิติรัฐ ní-tì-rát = Rechtsstaat (German), European concept, state of law, state of justice, state of rights, i.e. state in which the rule of law reigns supreme and government power is constrained by law and people’s rights, including right to political participation, are guaranteed >>more on definition in Thai, in English.

ความเท่าเทียม khwaam tâw tiiam = equality

ความเหลื่อมล้ำ khwaam lùeaam-lám ความเหลื่อมล้ำต่ำสูง khwaam lùeaam-lám tàm sǔung ความไม่เท่าเทียม khwaam mâi tâw tiiam = inequalities

โครงสร้างพื้นฐาน khoong-sâang phúuen-thǎan = fundamental structure (social, political)

ประชานิยม prà-chaa ní-yom = populism <term often used by critics of Thaksin’s policies

สองมาตรฐาน sǑOng mâat-trà-thǎan = double standards <term used by Red Shirts

ความเป็นธรรม khwaam pen tham = justice, fair treatment

ประท้วง prà-túuang = protest

เดินขบวน dooen khà-buuan = march, demonstrate

การชุมนุม kaan chum-num = rally, demonstration

การชุมนุมประท้วง kaan chum-num prà-túuang = protest rally

ม็อบ móp = mass rally (as used in Thai politics)

อารยะขัดขืน aa-rà-yá khàt-khǔuen = civil disobedience <term heard more often in the early days of the protests, but has faded since

กดดัน kòt dan = pressure

ความรุนแรง khwaam run rEEng = violence

วิกฤติการเมือง wí-krìt kaan mueaang = political crisis

ปฏิวัติ pà-tì-wát = revolution, overthrow of existing regime

รัฐประหาร ràt-thá prà-hǎan = coup d’état (lit. ‘execution of the state’)

สมานฉันท์ sà-mǎan-ná-chǎn = agreement (through compromise and reconciliation) <this term emerged in recent years since color-coded rift has begun to show, most called for by academics, state elders and peace activists

เกี้ยเซี้ย kîia sîia = negotiation, compromise (among the elites to preserve their own respective interests) <a Chinese (Tae chiew) term from early Rattanakosin period for negotiation debt settlement (initially primarily among Chinese merchants); the term later spread outside of the Chinese merchant community and has broadened to mean negotiation and compromise in the business of politics as well, e.g. it has been speculated whether any leading figures in Thai politics might have kîia sîia with Thaksin after he had been overthrown and lived in exile since 2006 >>see a more elaborate explanation of the term by leading Thai political scientist Charnvit Kasetsiri (ชาญวิทย์ เกษตรศิริ)

สันติวิธี sǎn-tì wí-thii = peaceful means

อหิงสา à-hǐng-sǎa = non-violence

พลังเงียบ phá-lang ngîiap = silent majority (lit. silent force) <term used by multi-colored pro-government, anti-Red Shirt groups in reference to themselves (as representatives of the “silent majority”)

จงรักภักดี jong ràk phák dii = to be loyal, to hold in reverence (in reference to the monarchy)

สถาบัน sà-thǎa-ban = lit. institution (code word for ‘monarchy’)

คลั่งชาติ khlâng châat = ultra-nationalism (lit. “crazy for the nation”)

คลั่งเจ้า khlâng jâaw = ultra-royalism (lit. “crazy for royalty”)

สงครามชนชั้น sǒng-khraam chon-chán = class war

สงครามกลางเมือง sǒng-khraam klaang mueaang = civil war, also สงครามประชาชน sǒng-khraam prà-chaa-chon

สงกรานต์เลือด sǒng-kraan lûeaat = bloodied Songkran

วิกฤตินองเลือด wí-krìt nOOng lûeaat = bloody crisis

…since the April 10 bloodied crackdown more of the following are heard…

ก่อวินาศกรรม kÒO wí-nâat-sà-kam = terrorism, violent sabotage

ก่อการร้าย kÒO kaan ráay = terrorism

การเมืองข้างถนน kaan-mueaan khâng thà-nǒn = street politics

ความแตกแยก khwaam tÈEk yÊEk = division, divisiveness, rift

ขบวนการล้มเจ้า khà-buuan kaan lóm jâaw = movement to overthrow the monarchy

เปลี่ยนระบบการปกครองครั้ง ใหญ่ plìian rá-bòp kaan pòk-khrOOng khròng yai = lit. major change in system of government (code word for overthrowing monarchy)

คิดต่าง khít tàang เห็นต่าง hěn tàang = different opinion/point of view

เลือกข้าง thaang lâeaak = to choose side, to side with

เกลียดชัง klìiat chang = to hate

ปะทะ pà-thá = scuffle, skirmish, clash

จลาจล jà-laa-jon = mob, riot

นองเลือด nOOng lûeaat = bloody, bloodletting

ไทยฆ่าไทย thai khâa thai = Thais killing Thais

บ้านเมืองไม่มีขื่อไม่มีแป baan mueaang mâi mii khùue mâi mii pEE = lawlessness

กลียุค kà-lii yúk = chaos, apocalypse

สัตว์การเมือง sàt kaan mueaang = political animal

มิคสัญญี mík-khá-sǎn-yii (old Pali term) = time of great unrest, in which killing is fair game; in Buddhist mythology the term refers to a period of great civil strife (chaos, anarchy and killings) <<see พระมหาชัยวุธ (Buddhist Monk “BM.chaiwut”) explanation on the etymology of the term [in Thai] here.

ปลดล็อก plòt lÓOk = lit. “to unlock”; find a solution to a stalemate or a political deadlock

On media

เป็นกลาง pen klaang = neutral

ไม่เป็นกลาง mâi pen klaang = not neutral

บิดเบือน bìt buuan = distorted

บิดเบือนข้อเท็จจริง bìt buuan khÔOw thét jing = to distort facts

ยั่วยุ yûua yú = to incite, to provoke, to instigate

ข่าวด้านเดียว khàaw dâan diiaw = one sided news/report

ควบคุมสื่อ khwûuab khum sùue = media control

คุกคามสื่อ khùk khaam sùue = media intimidation

เซ็นเซอร์ = borrowed English word “censor”, censorship of media

ปิดสื่อ pìt sùue = close down media <has often happened with specific targets, often critical or anti-government media on various platforms: television, radio, websites, blogs

หมิ่น mìn = (lit. libelous, shortened from หมิ่นประมาท mìn prà-màat) considered to be lèse majesté

หมิ่นสถาบัน mìn sà-thǎa-ban = lèse majesté (lit. libelous against the institution)

เว็บหมิ่น wép mìn = website considered to be lèse majesté

เว็บผิดกฎหมาย wép phìt kòt-mǎay = illegal website

ปลุกระดม plùk-rá-dom = propaganda, propagandize

กระบอกเสียง krà-bÒOk sǐiang = mouthpiece

Slogans of Red Shirts

(only the selected few, as there are too many)

ไพร่ phrâi = “Commoner”, “Serf” <self-identification of Red Shirts

แดงทั้งแผ่นดิน dEEng tháng pÈEn-din = “Red throughout the Land”

โค่นอำมาตย์ khôon am-màat = “Down with the Aristocrats”

ออกไป ÒOk pai = “Get Out!” <in reference to Abhisit government

คืนอำนาจประชาชน khuuen am-nâat prà-chaa-chon = “Return Power to the People”

ยุติธรรม กลับคืนมา yút-tì-tham klàp kuuen maa = “Bring back Justice”

เรารักทักษิณ raw rák thák-sǐn = “We love Thaksin”

รอวันทักษิณกลับมา rOO wan thák-sǐn klàp maa = “Wait for the Day Thaksin Returns”

ไม่ต้องจ้าง กูมาเอง mâi thÔOng jâang kuu maa eeng = “Not hired, I fricking came on my own”

ยุบสภา yúp sà-phaa = “Dissolve Parliament”

>>see a good collection of Red Shirt signs at Women Learn Thai ‘Signs of the Time”

(signs in English)

“We Just Want Democracy”

“No More Puppet + Corrupt Regime”

“Against Coup d’ Etat” / “Againt Cope’ ” [sic]

“Against Dictatorship”

>>see more Red Shirt signs both in Thai and English at New Mandala

ไม่มีสี mâi mii sǐi ไม่มีเส้น mâi mii sên = “No Color, No Connections” <slogan Red Shirt leaders used when the Red-shirt movement decided to shed Red shirts and started wearing different non-red colored shirts in preparation for expected government’s crackdown (which did not come) in late April (and in response to the pro-government groups’ multi-colored tactic)

Slogans of Yellow Shirts and other-colored (non-red) pro-government groups

กู้ชาติ kûu châat = “Save the Nation”

เรารักในหลวง raw rák nai-lǔuang = “We Love the King”

สงครามครั้งสุดท้าย sǒng-khraam khráng sùt-táay = “The Last War”

ตายไม่ตายกูไม่รู้ … แต่กูจะสู้ … เพื่อประเทศไทย taay mâi taay kuu mâi rúu … tÈE kuu jà sǔu … pǔeaa prà-thêet-thai = “[To be] killed or not, I don’t know … But I’ll fight … for Thailand”

๗ ตุลา ตำรวจฆ่าประชาชน jèt tù-laa tam-rùat khâa prà-chaa-chon = “7 October Police Killed the People”

Note: The above were slogans used by Yellow Shirts in late 2008 and early 2009. See more signs and slogans (lots of them in English) of Yellow Shirts on the last day during their occupation of the government house in January 2009 on New Mandala. What follows are slogans used by emerging Pink, No Color and Multi-colored Shirts during April 2010.

ปกป้องแผ่นดิน pòk-pÔOng phÈEn-din = “Protect the Land”

ปกป้องสถาบัน pòk-pÔOng sà-thǎa-ban = “Protect the Institution [monarchy]”

พิทักษ์ชาติ ราชบัลลังก์ pí-ták châat râat-chá-ban-lang = “Safeguard the Nation and the Throne”

เพื่อชาติ ศาสน์ กษัตริย์ phûeaa châat sàat kà-sàt = “For Nation, Religion and King”

แนวร่วมคนรักชาติ nEEw rûam khon rák châat = “United Front of Patriots”

รักชาติยิ่งชีพ rák châat yîng chîip = “Love the Nation More Than Life”

ไม่มีสี แต่มีเสียง และมีสิทธิ์ mâi mii sǐi tÈE mii sǐiang lÈE mii sìt = “Have No Color, But Have Voice and Have Rights”

“Uneducate People” [sic] = sign in English of a pro-government, anti-Red protester seen at Silom rally on April 22 >>see The New York Times

Mystery men

(various terms used to refer to unidentified murky personality/group(s) of consequence in conflict)

ไอ้โม่ง aî-môong = hooded bandit

ชายเสื้อดำ chaay sûeaa dam = black-clad man/men (who neither side seems to want to publicly admit as their friends – both Red Shirt security guards and snipers who shot into the demonstrators on April 10th were black clad)

นักรบโรนิน nák-rób roo-nin = Ronin warriors, another nickname for black-clad men

กองกำลังไม่ทราบฝ่าย kOOng kam-lang mâi sâap fàay = force of unidentified affiliation

ผู้ไม่หวังดี phûu mâi wǎng dii ผู้ไม่ประสงค์ดี phûu mâi prà-sǒng dii = ill-intentioned person(s)

มือที่สาม muue thîi sǎam = the ‘third hand’ (proverbial murky player-instigator, often conveniently fingered perpetrator in Thai affairs)

ผู้ชักใย phûu chák yai = puppet master (lit. ‘strings puller’)

ผู้อยู่เบื้องหลัง phûu yùu bûeaang lǎng ผู้บงการ phûu bong kaan = mastermind

Characterizations, insults, curses and accusations

(sorry, some are extremely vulgar insults and curses but they are often used)

-> by Red Shirts towards the government, the establishment and the military

รัฐบาลอำมาตย์ rat-thá-baan am-màat = aristocrat government

อำมาตย์ชั่ว am-màat chûa = evil aristocrats

ทรราช thOO-rá-râat = tyrant

รัฐบาลทรราช rat-thá-baan = tyrant/tyrannical government

ไม่ชอบธรรม mâi chÔOp tham = illegitimate, lacking legitimacy

ฆาตกร khâat-tà-kOOn thOO-rá-râat = murderer

(ทหาร)ฆ่าประชาชน (thá-hǎan) khâa prà-chaa-chon = (soldiers) killing the people

มือเปื้อนเลือด muue pûeaan lûeaat = bloodied hands

โกง koong = cheater

ตอแหล tOO-lĚE= liar

-> by anti-Red groups towards Red Shirts

ควายแดง kwaay dEEng = Red water buffalo(s)

ไพร่แดง phrâi dEEng = Red serf(s)/servant(s)

หางแดง hǎang dEEng = Red tail <name of some type of fish, but I guess it is used to mean as some type of lizard, see เหี้ย /hîa/ below

ไพร่สถุล phrâi sà-tǔn ไพร่เลว phrâi leew = base, low-life serf(s)/servant(s)

โง่ ngôo = stupid

ทาสทักษิณ thâat thák-sǐn = Thaksin’s slaves

แดงไร้เดียงสา dEEng rái-diiang-sǎa = innocent Red (as in simple-minded and gullible)

เถื่อน thùeaan = savage, uncivilized, barbarous

ถูกจูงจมูก thùuk juung jà-mùuk = led by the nose

ถูกจ้าง thùuk jâang = hired, paid (to demonstrate/protest)

รับเงิน ráp ngoen = bribed, paid

กุ๊ย kúy = bum, thuggish bum, punk, goon

ผู้ก่อการร้าย phûu kÒO kaan ráay = terrorist(s) <the term meant “communist insurgent” in the 1960s and 1970s, but in today’s context is understood as terrorist or saboteur

กบฏ kà-bòt = traitor(s)

ล้มเจ้า lóm jâaw = (scheming to) overthrow the monarchy

ไม่รักชาติ mâi rák châat = unpatriotic

ไม่ใช่คนไทย mâi châi khon thai = not Thai

ทรยศชาติ tOO-ra-yot châat = traitorous, betraying the country

ทำลายชาติ tam-laay châat = destroying the country

คนขายชาติ khon khǎay châat = traitor(s)

-> by both sides against one another

กู kuu มึง muueng ไอ้ âi อี ii = vulgar forms of address that are normally considered too vulgar to use in public, respectively ‘I’ and ‘you’ for the first two pronouns, and male and female ‘you’ or he and she for the latter two (as second or third pronouns) which, if intended as insult, are equivalent to ‘(you), bastard [enter name]” and ‘(you), bitch [enter name]’

ชั่ว chûa ชาติชั่ว châat chûa = vile, evil, corrupt, intrinsically evil and corrupt

เลว leew สารเลว sǎa-rá-leew = base, depraved, wicked, abominable, hateful

เลวชาติ leew châat = irredeemably evil, morally corrupt

โจร joon = criminal

สมองหมาปัญญาควาย sà-mǑOng mǎa pan-yaa kwaay = lit. “having brains of a dog and intelligence of a buffalo”, i.e. extremely stupid

เหี้ย hîa =  (lit. ‘water monitor’ like gila monster), equivalent to English curse ‘swine’, also known by euphemism ตัวเงินตัวทอง tua ngoen tua thOOng (lit. “silver and golden creature”)

จัญไร jan-rai เสนียดจัญไร sà-nìat jan-rai อัปปรีย์ àp-prii = damned, damnable, beastly, evil, wicked

ไปตายซะ pai taay sá = Go die!, Drop dead!

พ่อมึงตาย phÔO mueng taay = Your father be dead! (curse)

Insinuations and epithets

เป็นคนไทยหรือเปล่า pen khon thai rǔue plàw = “Are you Thai?” <often used in heated Thai political conflict against those deemed critical or disrespectful of the three pillars: Nation, Religion and King

ระวังจะไม่มีแผ่นดินอยู่ rá-wang jà mâi mii phÈEn-din yùu = “Beware, [you] will not have a land to stand on.” <used against Thaksin by Yellow supporters during the years before the overthrow of his government, now also used with others

อย่าดึงฟ้าลงมาต่ำ yàa dung fáa long maa tàm = “Don’t pull down the sky.” <commonly heard warning by Thais against other Thais deemed to be creating nuisance for or engaging in unbecoming actions involving the monarchy

อย่าพาคนไปตาย yàa phaa khon pai taay = “Don’t lead people to their death.” <often used against leaders of demonstrators amidst volatile crisis, in reference to past leaders who led people to death in crackdowns in the 1970s and 1992

หนักแผ่นดิน nàk phEEn-din = “Heavy on the land” <title of an old government propaganda song against communists in the 1970s

รกแผ่นดิน rók phÈEn-din = “Clutter on the land” <title of a new song currently played on คลื่นปกป้องสถาบันเนวิน (known for short as คลื่นเนวิน or Newin Radio)

Miscellaneous slang terms and expressions

(that don’t fit neatly in any of the above categories or have not been widely used)

รัฐบาลมะเขือเผา ràt-thá-baan má-khǔeaa phǎw = (lit. “grilled eggplant government”) weak, ineffective government

แอบแดง ÈEp dEEng = secret Red sympathizer <some academics are accused by Yellow/non-Red Shirts to be so; sometimes แอ๊บแดง ÉEp dEEng is also used in this context

แอ๊บกลาง ÉEp klaang = fake neutral, pretend to be neutral (not associating with any particular color) although suspected not to be really neutral, also แอ๊บขาว ÉEp khǎaw (fake White)

แอ๊บแดง ÉEp dEEng = fake Red, Red pretender, i.e. not really Red

แอ๊บไพร่ ÉEp phrâi = fake phrai (serf), phrai wannabe/pretender, first widely heard on government television channel NBT (National Broadcasting of Thailand). The coiner of the term is believed to be Chermsak Pinthong เจิมศักดิ์ ปิ่นทอง, TV host, political commentator and writer who wrote a series of books on Thaksin. The term implies that Thaksin is not phrai but pretends to be one, although he is among the wealthy ruling class who benefited from the amart system.

เหวง wěeng = to be verbose, long winded and/or bullsh*t, often used in the negative อย่ามาเหวง yàa maa wěeng (“Don’t wěeng!”). The slang has its origin in the name of one of the Red Shirt leaders, Dr. Weng Tojirakarn นายแพทย์เหวง โตจิราการ who was verbose and long winded (and confusing, according to the Thai youth who coined the term) during the first and second rounds of the talk between Red Shirts and the government broadcast live on television before Songkran 2010. The slang emerged in Twitter and Facebook and became quickly mainstream.

(ปล่อย)เกียร์ว่าง (plÒOy) kiia wâang = (to be) on neutral gear, i.e. to be hands-off, indifferent, not enthusiastic, proactive or doing one’s job serious <accusation often aimed at police and sometimes also military leadership vis-a-vis their role in controlling the on-going unrest

นักวิชาการแอ๊บแม้ว nák wí-chaa-kaan ÉEp mÉEw = academics who are closet Thaksin sympathizers <term used on in multicolored group in reference to academics who have views that benefit Thaksin

ทหารแตกแถว thá-hǎan tÈEk thĚEw = defecting soldier(s) (lit. “out-of-line soldier”)

มีสติ mii sà-tì = to keep one’s head, to use one’s intellect/mindfulness (instead of emotion)

เสียสติ mii sà-tì = to lose one’s head, to succumb to emotions/hysteria

ไร้สติ mii sà-tì = to be in absence of intellect/mindfulness

Anyone have any comments or words/phrases to suggest, please leave a comment or contact me.

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