Category Archives: Thai Society, Politics, etc.

On Porn, Jokes and Thai Lawmakers

Thai lawmakers made world headlines this week. It wasn’t exactly the kind of international press that would make them or Thailand proud. A BBC world headline on April 18, 2012 read “Image of naked woman halts Thai parliament debate.” At home, the Bangkok Post published the image of a half-naked woman captured on the parliament LCD screen.

Pornographic image flashing on a large LCD monitor inside Thai parliament, source: Khao Sod http://goo.gl/8FLOU

The revelation caused much brouhaha in the porn-loving Thai online community (which just freshly emerged from virtual Songkran reveling with the famous Japanese adult video star Sora Aoi in Buriram). Nonetheless, not all could openly profess to appreciate pornography like ordinary netizens, especially those with a public face to keep.

With the image of a panty-less woman in a provocative pose flashing across a giant monitor, face the size of the Thai parliament hall was shattered. Senior lawmakers blushed profusely, scrambling to give a plausible explanation. Hackers must have infiltrated the parliament network, they said.

The Bangkok Post obligingly ran the story with the headline, “Porn pic hack shocks MPs.” As it turned out it wasn’t a hack job as many already suspected, but a technical glitch; the parliament technicians at the video control accidentally switched to a wrong screen which had a porno image they obviously didn’t mean to share with the esteemed assembly.*

UPDATE: According to the Bangkok Post report on 24 April, a probe revealed that the porn image was not transmitted by parliament audio-visual staff. Speculation has now been shifted to mobile & portable devices which might have transmitted the image via the WiFi system from within the parliament. Further investigation is underway.

At least it wasn’t the MPs who were watching the porn…

Oh, wait…

Thai MP captured on camera watching a porn image on his iPhone, source: Bangkok Post http://goo.gl/QICPY

Somebody took snapshots of an unidentified MP at the same parliament assembly looking at a pornographic picture in the privacy of his iPhone. (It’s anybody’s guess how many smartphones and laptops were featuring a saucy image for individual private viewing in the Thai parliament that day.)

The next day a young and a little red-faced Democrat MP admitted that it was he who was “accidentally” watching a pornographic photo on his mobile phone. His friends always sent or tagged photos for him to check, to tease him, he explained.

Indeed, it wasn’t just Mr. Nutt Bantadtan who was teased. We were all tickled. It’s hard to say how many Thai citizens were really shocked but surely more than a few Thai lawmakers were embarrassed. But if it’s any consolation, it wasn’t the first time lawmakers were caught watching porn in parliament.

Only two months ago, in February 2012, Indian MPs were caught sharing a porno clip with colleagues on their mobile phones while sitting in parliament. In August 2010, porn images were even broadcast for 15 minutes on an internal TV channel of the Indonesian parliament. Then in April 2011, at a parliament assembly an anti-porn Indonesian MP was caught watching the very vice he was trying to outlaw.

This is not to say that porn in parliament is, or should be, business as usual in Thailand or any other country. There’s a certain dignity that’s due to such a high public institution like parliament, not to mention sense of responsibility and work ethics national political representatives are expected to uphold. On the other hand, these revelations show that lawmakers are no different from the rest of us and don’t necessarily have higher morals than their electorates. Besides all too human carnal lust, some of them, like some of us, may also be guilty of hypocrisy.

The Indian and Indonesian MPs were forced to resign after their secrets were made public. So far there has been no such call for any Thai MP to resign. Compared to Indians and Indonesians, Thais are very forgiving. We probably have lower expectations of public office holders too. Why, many in the Thai public (yours truly included) are pleased with the young MP’s quick admission. It’s not every day that Thai politicians readily admit to any wrongdoing, big or small, even after they’ve been caught on camera. So we take what we can get.

Jermsak Pinthong, former Bangkok senator (one of his FB profile pictures)

Some also have a practical humor about it.

Dr. Jermsak Pinthong (a veteran media commentator and former Bangkok senator) reportedly said that porn is “a men’s thing, a kind of relaxation.” No disagreement there, although for some fathomable reason people may expect a bit of seriousness from an MP at work in parliament.

Rosana Tositrakul, Bangkok senator, source: Thai Wikipedia http://goo.gl/0zPSJ

But some Thai lawmakers do seem to love fun and can find humor in all jokes—appropriate or not.

Just before the porn in parliament breaking news, a current Bangkok senator (a Democrat supporter and a prominent member of the yellow-shirt PAD) caused a bit of a stir with her Facebook posting. Early in the morning of April 18, my Twitter timeline featured comments on Ms. Rosana Tositrakul‘s Facebook message which can be translated in English as follows:

Was at parliament today. A senior senator told me a story… during Songkran at the Suvannabhumi Airport there were many redshirts on the flight to Vientiane. [Many redshirts travelled to pay respects to Thaksin Shinawatra, their hero, who is a fiend in the eyes of Ms. Rosana and her friends.] Once they got on board they went to sit in business class. An air hostess told them, “You are sitting in the business class but your tickets are for the economy class. You have to go sit in the back.” [The redshirt people] replied, “It’s now red throughout the land. The people reign supreme. We could sit anywhere we like.”

So the air hostess went to tell the captain, who told her he would take care of it. The captain came out and whispered to ‘Tuu’ [nickname of a vocal redshirt leader and Pheu Thai MP Jatuporn Phromphan] who was sitting in the front row. After the captain’s whisper Tuu promptly got up and loudly shouted to his fellows to go sit in the rear cabin. The air hostess asked the captain what he said to Tuu to get him to tell his people to move to the rear cabin. The captain said, “I told him that [passengers in] the front cabin will get off in Nakorn Srithammarat and [those in] the rear cabin in Vientiane.” (Prachatalk.com)

The FB post was an instant hit. It got 56 shares, 271 likes and 65 comments in the short span of time before Ms. Rosana deleted it that morning. (Unluckily for Ms. Rosana, someone—there’s always someone—made a screenshot of her FB post.) Ms. Rosana’s post was shared by some prominent political figures on Facebook, one of whom was the former Bangkok senator Dr. Jermsak who alone, according to Thai E-News, got further 400 shares.  (However, by the next day, April 19, Jermsak’s Facebook no longer featured this shared post – perhaps he also deleted it).

It seems that those in the opposite camp of redshirts (many of whom are Democrat supporters) got a lot of laughs out of Rosana’s redshirts-in-airplane story. Predictably, the reactions were the opposite in redshirt-friendly social networks, where both the current and former Bangkok senators, Rosana and Jermsak, have been slammed for showing a very poor taste in telling and sharing such a joke.

In fact, anyone who has ever read email forward jokes will likely recognize the plot of the joke, which has often been told as a “stupid blonde” joke.

Thai E-News, a redshirt news site, reported on April 19 a reaction from the Redshirt leader and Pheu Thai MP “Tuu” Jatuporn Phromphan, who believes that he was the “Tuu” in the story. His reaction was furious:

This is the worst insult on human dignity, this message that Ms. Rosana posted and deleted but Democrat MPs like Sirichoke Sopha and former senator Jermsak Pinthong further shared to insult redshirt people, mocking [us] merrily…. What Rosana wrote was utterly false because I did not fly directly to Vientiane during Songkran. I had already been there since March 31 to meet the Laotians to prepare for the Songkran [event with Thaksin as the special guest]. I flew to Udon and then [to Vientiane] with Nok Air which has no business class.

What’s most important is the insulting attitude toward redshirt people, that we are stupid peasants who know nothing, buying economy tickets but sitting in business class. As if redshirt people were ignorant fools who have never been on an airplane and have to be shooed away by air hostesses! And what Rosana wrote, that redshirt people responded by saying “it’s now red throughout the land” so we could sit anywhere, was utterly base!

The problem is, did Rosana come up with this story herself? If she didn’t then she should ask this senior senator who she said told her the story to come out, because it was a wicked insult…. What sort of elite class did Rosana hail from? Why did she look down on others’ human dignity, writing something like this? Do you think redshirt people have no feelings like you and your friends? Or because you are a Bangkok senator you can look down on anybody?

Even buffaloes wouldn’t dare think up such a thing, ma’am….

The lepers have taken Rosana’s message to share in great amusement. But I’m not amused with [them]…. Rosana must show responsibility, even though [she] has already deleted the message…. She must identify who was [the senior senator] because [the story] was 100% false….

Rosana’s conduct must be condemned to the utmost. Condemn [also] those who retold the story which those in the cockroach [Democrat] Party believe was true, which is the stupidest thing ever! Whether there will be any lawsuit, we will see.

Jatuporn’s tirade was as furious and loud as it was long and repetitive. But his sentiment couldn’t be clearer. His vitriol was well matched with the insults and cruel mocking made by those in the so-called cockroach camp. I would hazard a guess that Jatuporn did not realize Rosana’s story was a recycled old joke and perhaps neither did Rosana. Either she made up the story, or there was really a “senior senator” who told her this joke which she took to be a true story.

We can fairly guess that she has been embarrassed because somebody must have told her that the story was a joke, not to mention the angry online lashing from the redshirts. But we can’t know if she is ashamed of having told the story for she has gone quiet. No apology has been given. At the time of this writing, her only Facebook posting after the joke which was quickly deleted is about an anthropological study of customs of an African tribe.

Which is more shameful for a lawmaker, watching porn in parliament or denigrating a large group of people with a bad, bad joke—wittingly or not?

In a more civilized country where social equality is taken more seriously, a lawmaker like Senator Rosana would have been pressured to apologize and likely even to resign for her ill-judged Facebook message. But then Thailand—politically at least—is not yet a “civilized” country.

Thai lawmakers and their electorates alike can still enjoy the freedom to trash and insult one another, unburdened by accountability and sense of decency. I suspect Thais will be at this unpleasant political and social battle for quite a while. The gap between the two sides of the social and political divide will likely grow larger, as one bridge after another is burned by venomous poison in words and in deeds. Those still feeling superior will continue looking down their noses at the perceived unwashed for as long as they can. The question is, for how much longer?

NOTE: The article was first published for SiamVoice on Asian Correspondent on 19 April 2012.

Ignorance, Fury and Blind Faith in the Wrath against Nitirat

A few days ago someone posted an audio file on YouTube. The clip is cut from a call-in radio talk show called “Kid Dai Kid Dee” (English title: Talk News and Music) hosted by Mr. Veera Theeraphat. The caller asked the host about Nitirat (the group that’s been calling for amendment of Thailand’s controversial lese majeste law, or Article 112 of the Criminal Code). What the caller had to say is extremely revealing.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sZf-OQzYKL4

Following is my English translation of the original Thai-language exchange between the caller and the host.

……

Host: So, your third point.

Caller: Yeah, my third point. What’s that? That Nitirat. What’s the deal? They’ve come out and it’s, it’s , it’s… about that Article 112. The way I see it, it’s not right. It’ll, it’ll make people… It’ll cause something to happen, don’t you think? Look, what are they wanting to amend? Who are they really, these Nitirat? Who’s the ring leader?

Host: Aww! They’ve announced their names. They are law lecturers at Thammasat.

Caller: Oh right, they’re at Thammasat, right? If I ever see them, I’ll surely cut their heads off. If they’re going to fix this, this 112, about things like this. I’m human, I won’t put up with this. There’ll be surely that sort of thing. I, I, I…

Host: No. Do you, do you even know the content of Article 112? Do you know what Article 112 is? Do you know what it is?

Caller: That’s the thing!

Host: No, no. Do you even know what it is? Do you know what this Article 112 is all about? You want to behead people, do you know what it’s all about? Do you know that it’s in the Criminal Code?

Caller: Yes, but what they say, if, if… they say, if… those opinions that have come out, about this, this… won’t be wrong–

Host: Have you ever read it?

Caller: No, I haven’t. I admit I haven’t.

Host: And you’re giving your opinion and feelings without even knowing the facts.

Caller: Wait, wait, it’s not just me.

Host: Forget about other people. Let’s focus on just you because I’m not talking with other people, but–

Caller: Even, even government officials–

Host: –with you. No, no! Listen first. Start with the facts first. You don’t even know what it is all about! That’s why I asked if you know what this is. This Article 112 that people are talking about, what is it? Which section is it in the Criminal Code?

Caller: That’s right, but the news that’s come out–

Host: The news that’s come out–

Caller: –is mixed up–

Host: No, no, the news won’t be mixed up, if you knew, but you don’t! That’s why you’re mixed up!

Caller: Right. But because I don’t know, so–

Host: So, you go and find the information. It’s just like finding a rally video.

Caller: Yes, yes.

Host: If you want to know, then you go find the knowledge, and not sitting here…

Caller: But there’s news every day.

Host: Why are you sitting here imagining things? If you don’t have the facts, what basis do you have to form your feelings? You could go and behead the wrong people!… Alright, go and find knowledge first.

Caller: Yes, yes, yes, sir.

Host: I won’t do the job of explaining it. With things like this… it’s every man for himself in finding knowledge. But I’ll say, about Article 112 in the Criminal Code, you need to read it first, then find out what exactly they [Nitirat] are proposing to amend, where and why. But it has to start with the actual facts. This is not about amending the Constitution. Article 112 is not about the Constitution. Constitution amendment is another matter. Article 112 is in the Criminal Code. I will tell you that it has been amended once before in 1976.*

Note*: Thailand’s lese majeste law has been amended several times since its promulgation in 1908. The 1976 amendment was the most recent with increased penalty from up to seven years jail to a minimum of three years to up to 15 years jail. Thailand’s lese majeste law is considered the harshest in the world.

……..

One hopes that the caller in the radio show is a rarity in today’s Thai society, but recent Thai history is not on one’s side. The brutality against leftist students at Thammasat in 1976 was committed by their fellow countrymen (see history of Thammasat University Massacre), and much hatred against the students was stoked by the deadly mixture of ignorance, blind faith, unfounded fear and disinformation. Those who brutally killed the young students in 1976 were told – and readily believed – that the students were “Vietnamese communists” who had ill intentions against Thai monarchy and not Thai students who simply protested against military dictatorship.

Now, a generation later, a group of seven law lecturers who call themselves “Nitirat” or “Law for the People,” who are proposing to put a stop to military dictatorship and make the most politically abused law of the land less prone to abuse, are being accused of having an evil plan to topple the monarchy, being lackeys of Thaksin, being Red, or simply being suspected of harboring some mysteriously ill intentions.

Nitirat has a website in Thai, with detailed statements about their ideas and proposals, as well as their articles, interviews and documents. A number of seminars, with packed audience, have been organized, reported, commented on on blogs, Facebook, Twitter, and videos posted on YouTube, etc. Still most Thais outside a small circle of the intelligentsia and political enthusiasts don’t know – and don’t seem to want to know – what exactly Nitirat is proposing. Lack of knowledge doesn’t seem to dampen their zeal to condemn them.

Only a week before that, a group that called themselves “Thais with Patriotic Heart” gathered at the entrance of Thammasat University and burned an effigy of Worachet Pakeerat, the most prominent Nitirat member.

Thais with Patriotic Heart" gathered at Thammasat University entrance in protest against Nitirat on January 27, 2012. Source: Thansettakij Online (thanonline.com)

Thais with Patriotic Heart brought an effigy of Worachet Pakeerat for burning. Source: Thansettakij Online (thanonline.com)

Thais with Patriotic Heart burn Worachet's effigy in protest gainst Nitirat. Source: Thansettakij Online (thanonline.com)

Why did these “Thais with Patriotic Heart” burn Worachet’s effigy? How much do they know about Nitirat and their proposals? We don’t know for sure. Perhaps even they themselves don’t know for sure. But that didn’t stop them having and acting upon their conviction that Worachet and Nitirat must be “bad” for the country.

This group of Thais seems to believe Worachet and his Nitirat fellows are intent on “destroying the country.” They believe there is a conspiracy in which Nitirat are cohorts of Thaksin, the evil one. No matter that Worachet has said he has never met or talked to Thaksin, or the fact that one does not need to like Thaksin, let alone be his cohort, to support Article 112 amendment (many who do are not admirers of Thaksin). Or that discussing the monarchy and wanting to change a law about the revered institution does not mean one is disloyal. But that’s not how these Thais with Patriotic Heart see it. One placard in the picture below (on the far left) reads: “Execution ONLY for whoever insults the monarchy!”

Placards held by Thais with Patriotic Heart at their protest against Nitirat at Thammasat. Source: Thansettakij Online (thanonline.com)

That kind of message brings to mind the fatwa against Salman Rushdie. Or treatments of Christian heretics in the middle ages. Forget about the finer point of what constitutes “insult” in the law or the concept that the punishment should be proportionate to the crime (in line with what’s expected in the modern civilized society). Emotions have run too high for a lot of people and the heat of emotions has burned and short-circuited their analytical faculty.

These days with so much information circulated through countless channels, one would think it’s hard for anyone to remain ignorant about things they find important enough to want to behead somebody. But I’ve come to realize, ignorance, especially the willful kind, often has little to do with availability, even ubiquity, of information.

Why? Intense and blind fury that comes with ignorance generally has to do with faith, not knowledge. It’s the kind of fury at the sacrilege – the violation of the inviolable. The kind of thing that people can’t do, because they just can’t, and that’s that. Faith needs no logic. And facts are irrelevant.

This kind of faith-based reaction is found not only among the common believers, but also among the so called educated elite. In fact, it seems the more powerful and educated have the most fiery reactions.  The bombastic deputy  prime minister Chalerm Yoobamrung has said hat even thinking about amending Article 112 was already equivalent to going to hell. At least two universities have banned activities related to the lese majeste law: Thammasat University (formerly known as University of Moral and Political Sciences) has banned Nitirat from conducting its Article 112 amendment campaign on the campuses, and the College of Politics and Government of Mahasarakam University banned a discussion forum “Rights and Freedoms in a Democracy under the Lèse Majesté Law” to be held on its premises.

Amidst the emerging row on freedom of expression following the Thammasat’s ban of Nitirat to use the university campuses for Article 112-related campaign activities, King Prajadipok Institute’s Society alumni association also demanded that Nitirat called off its campaign (for Article 112 amendment and a new constitution). It also urged Thammasat University to “control the behaviors and actions of [Nitirat]” which it argued “has led to division in the country.” It also threatened, if Nitirat doesn’t stop their actions, “the society would respond with measures from light to drastic.”

“This is not about the laws, but about the faith,” it added.

Kudos to King Prahadipok Institute’s Society alumni for their frankness!

Some people may disagree but to me it makes a lot of sense to see Nitirat as the Thai equivalent of Galileo, who insisted that the Earth was not fixed but revolved around the Sun and was swiftly condemned. The question is: how will it play out for this group of Thai Galielos and how strong will be the wrath of the pious Thai believers.

Note: See more information on what Nitirat proposes for lese majeste law amendment here and its proposed constitution draft here.

(This article was first published as a SiamVoices blog on Asian Correspondent on 6 February 2012.)

‘Bahasa ASEAN’ – Can Thai or Malay be ASEAN lingua franca?

Originally published on Asian Correspondent for SiamVoices on 19 January 2012.

ภาษาไทย

Can Thai really be a common language of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations)? Apparently some people believe so. Voice TV reported:

A Chulalongkorn University research “Human Resources Preparation for the Opening of the ASEAN Market” has found that Thai will be another important language of communication and a common language in ASEAN on par with English because Thailand is the center of ASEAN. Lately it’s been found that [people in] the neighboring countries such as Lao PDR, Cambodia and Myanmar have become more interested in learning Thai.

Mr. Sompong Jitpradap, education lecturer, Chulalongkorn University, revealed that given the research findings, preparatory steps should be made to export Thai language teachers for foreigners [to] expand Thai education system. The ASEAN free trade will be an impetus for a more systematic education reform.

At present Thailand has many teachers of Thai language and students in Thai language major. However, the number and the quality of Thai language human resources have not yet been determined.

Unfortunately, the Voice TV report did not give any details of the research findings. No figures whatsoever were cited to back up such a drastic claim.

The online report has drawn quite a number of responses—from smiles and mild encouragement to snickers and the uniquely-Thai digital guffaws (5555+ – the number 5 is pronounced “Ha” in Thai). Some proud Thais readily rejoice in the future national glory promised in the news headline, “Chula research indicates Thai will become common ASEAN language.” More Thais are skeptical, though. Many point out that if any Southeast Asian language will have a possibility to come close to being a common ASEAN tongue, it will be Malay. Some wonder how the Chula research was ever concocted to have yielded such findings, while others tell the researcher to stop day dreaming and unspecified Thais to be less self-centered (only to be scolded by the proud Thais not to look down on a national heritage—and the usual online spat ensues).

Anyone who can count and know a bit of Southeast Asian geography and history will have a tough time being convinced that Thai—however beautiful a language it is—has a real chance of becoming an ASEAN lingua franca on par with English. Do the maths. ASEAN has 10 member countries, namely Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Of all these, Indonesia is the largest country. Bahasa Indonesia is the sixth most widely spoken language in the world. In multiple but similar forms, the language is spoken by 240 million Indonesians, 26 million Malaysians, and many Southern Thais, Singaporeans, Bruneians, and East Timorese. That’s at the very least 260 million speakers of Bahasa Indonesia, or Bahasa Melayu as it is called in Malaysia, in ASEAN. Now look at Thai. Thai is spoken obviously by at least 65 million Thais, plus maybe about 20 million in close neighboring countries. The number of Thai speakers falls short of 100 million.

Besides the number, another obstacle against Thai language becoming an ASEAN lingua franca is its own uniqueness. Thai does not have Romanized scripts like Bahasa Indonesia/Melayu, but an elaborate phonetic system with 44 consonants, 28 vowel forms and five tones. Except Laotians and Cambodians who share common linguistic history and have watched Thai TV soap operas for years and a couple of million Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, not very many foreigners have a strong incentive to learn Thai. Because Bahasa Indonesia/Melayu has Latin alphabet and the vocabulary borrows heavily from English (as well as Sanskrit, Arabic, Chinese, Portuguese, and Dutch), it is much easier for foreigners both within and without ASEAN to learn.

Termina Kasih

In September last year, the Malaysian Minister of Information, Communication and Culture Rais Yatim proposed that Bahasa Melayu and Bahasa Indonesia, spoken by about 300 million people, be used as an official language in ASEAN. Interestingly enough, he acknowledged that his idea came from a research confirming that Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Melayu are used daily in Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore and southern Thailand.  At the Meeting of Journalists and Culture Experts of Malaysia and Indonesia, he urged journalists and culture experts from both countries to “jointly enhance the status of Bahasa Melayu and Bahasa Indonesia as the languages of knowledge, art and commerce.”

Malaysian officials seem to have a strong interest in seeing their national language an ASEAN lingua franca. In October 2011 after launching the Bera-level 2011 National Language Month, the Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob said:

Bahasa Melayu had once been the language of commerce during the Malacca Sultanate…. We hope champions of the Malay language can work on making Bahasa Melayu the official language for ASEAN countries…. However, this does not mean we are putting English and other native languages aside, instead it is an effort to uphold Bahasa Melayu in the region.

No one can fault the Malaysian or Thai officials for desiring to see their respective national language gain more prominence in the region. Indeed, there would be a lot of benefits, economically, culturally and politically. At the same time, however, no one can deny the importance of English, which is the de facto Bahasa ASEAN.

Attempts by major ASEAN member countries to push their national language as an ASEAN official language are likely to encounter challenges—even for Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Melayu. Edmund Sim, who teaches a course on the law and policy of the ASEAN Economic Community at the National University of Singapore, explained the challenges for both Bahasas as follows:

The bigger issues regarding the use of Bahasa are both historical and practical. The issue of which Bahasa to use, Bahasa Indonesia or Bahasa Melayu, raises both points. The vocabularies are somewhat different, reflecting the different influences of Dutch and English, respectively.  These language differences still have historical meaning. This is important in a region with long, proud histories, where Malaysians and Indonesians have had cultural disputes over the origin of batik, rendang and traditional dances.

Another issue, of course, regards resources.  If ASEAN adopts Bahasa as another official language, will the ASEAN members provide the additional funding to support it at the Secretariat and other institutions?  ASEAN won’t need the vast army of translators that the EU institutions use, but Bahasa, in either form, has nuances that require skilled bilingual personnel.

Finally, adopting another official language could raise questions about whether other languages should be adopted as official ASEAN languages.  Chinese and Thai/Lao are other potential candidates, but with their own practical, political and historical issues.

The reality is English will continue to be the most important language in ASEAN for a long time to come—perhaps until Chinese manages to take over. True, not all citizens of ASEAN are proficient in English but it is the only language that all ASEAN member countries have common proficiency and this proficiency will only increase. This is actually where Thai officials and citizens alike should be very, very concerned about: Thais’ dismal English proficiency. Reuters reported in May 2011:

Thailand produces a workforce with some of the world’s weakest English-language skills. The IMD ranks Thailand 54th of 56 countries globally for English proficiency, the second-lowest in Asia. Singapore was third and Malaysia 28th.

Thai workers can’t compete with the Filipinos either in English skills. It is doubtful whether they can compete favorably with their Indonesian and Vietnamese counterparts.

The ASEAN market will have a free flow in 2015. That’s barely three years left for Thais to improve English proficiency, if Thais are really serious about moving ahead in ASEAN. Thais should also start learning the languages of our neighbors. Promote Thai language too, of course. All of these can be done, while learning to talk English seriously. After all, it can only help.

“We don’t know if she really is a witch.” – Thammasat Rector on Kanthoop

Matichon published its interview of Dr. Somkit Lertpaithoon on 4 January 2012. Dr. Somkit Lertpaithoon is the rector of Thammasat University who also teaches public law.  The entire interview covered several issues, mainly Kanthoop, lèse majesté law (Article 112), and the proposed constitution amendment. This translation of includes only the part of the interview which focuses on the rector’s views on Kanthoop’s admission to Thammasat despite the lèse majesté accusations against her and on Article 112.

สมคิด เลิศไพฑูรย์

สมคิด เลิศไพฑูรย์ Somkit Lertpaithoon, Thammasat University Rector (Photo from his facebook)

The Thammasat rector has faced strong criticisms from many royalists for the admission of Kanthoop to the university. Many have posted angry comments on his Facebook wall (to which he has not responded). I translated the Matichon interview of Kanthoop earlier here.

Dr. Somkit’s interview was conducted by Panthawit Thepchan.

…………………..

TRANSLATION NOTE: Additional texts in [brackets] are provided for clarity.

Panthawit: Why has Thammasat University admitted Kanthoop, while Silapakorn and Kasetsart Universities have both rejected her?

Somkit: I see no university rule that says Thammasat students must respect the [three Thai pillars] Nation, Religion and King. If there were such a rule, it would mean that Thammasat is obliged to check if this particular student loves the Nation and the Religion, or if she has a religious faith. This sort of questions would arise. It would not be just about Kanthoop. So I wonder why those who have posted on my Facebook are questioning only about Kanthoop and not about other students. Many Thammasat students go on many political stages, both Yellow and Red. Why only Kanthoop? This is my question.

Next, I don’t know if Kanthoop really has done what [she has been accused of]. Why demand the rector to investigate? A university rector has a lot of work to do. One student among 35,000 in the entire student body is a very small matter. The crux of the matter is, the alleged lèse majesté comments were made before Kanthoop was admitted to this university. Lastly, we should not have this witch hunt because we don’t know if she really is a witch. And even if she really is a witch, a witch can also live in society. Even those vampires in Twilight can exist alongside humans.

Panthawit: So your view is that [Kanthoop] should have an opportunity to study at this university?

Somkit: Let me give an example. If you understand Thai society, [you know that] in the 6 October 1967 [student protests] there were a group of students who loved the nation and the people, who joined the Communist Party, such as Seksan Prasertkul, Theerayuth Boonmee and many others. Today these people are among the crème de la crème of the country. They may have lost their way for a while but they returned when society welcomed them back.

Compare Kanthoop with those students who joined the Communist Party years ago. As a pooyai [elder], as the rector, and as a Thammasat person, [I believe] if the kid has the knowledge and the ability to have passed the entrance exam to this university then she is entitled to study at this university. She has not yet been charged or arrested for whatever she has done before she came here. There has been only an allegation of an illegal act. Thammasat’s rules and regulations clearly state that if any student has been legally charged and given a jail sentence in the final verdict in a court of law, the student will be expelled, except in cases of misdemeanor and wrongdoings by negligence. Therefore, I can only expel Kanthoop if the court gives her a jail sentence. Even if she is charged today, I still can’t expel her. Please, let’s not push anyone’s back against the wall. I think each individual has his or her own political opinion. What I think is that Kanthoop has radical ideas.

Panthawit: If you think Kanthoop has a radical view, how will the Social Welfare Faculty or the university deal with what has happened [in her case]?

Somkit: On the day Kanthoop was admitted to Thammasat, the Social Welfare Faculty was well aware of [Kanthoop’s history]. The faculty interviewed her twice. In addition, the dean of the faculty also raised Kanthoop’s matter at a deans’ meeting. At the meeting, none of the deans knew that Kanthoop was accused by [a segment of] the [Thai] online community that she posted comments deemed to be lèse majesté. [Some of us] only knew that she went on a redshirt stage. I’d like to say that if anyone wants me to punish her according to the accusations, then give me [information]. I will set up a disciplinary committee, and those who demand a disciplinary investigation must also be responsible if she is proved to be not guilty according to the accusations. There are only people who put pressure on the Thammasat rector, but those people who are putting pressure are not taking any responsibility. But the rector must take responsibility.

Having said that, the issue is not me being fearful of any lawsuit or not having courage to do what I am supposed to do. I look at this matter in terms of giving a chance to 18-19 year olds. In the case of Kanthoop, she may have obtained a certain set of information, so she thinks according to the information she has received. If, by this rationale, in which she must be expelled from Thammasat because of her political opinion, you’d have to expel certain MPs from the parliament for having spoken on a redshirt stage. I’ll tell you that most Thammasat students are not redshirt. Kanthoop has come to study here; she is bound to meet a lot of friends and many types of peer pressure. Somebody told me that at the freshmen welcome ceremony she didn’t stand to the royal anthem, but in the end she had to stand. I don’t know if that really happened the way some students told me. But if that was true, why did Kanthoop have to stand up? Had she wanted to sit, she could have done that.

Panthawit: Let’s return to this point. Why was there a need to have a meeting with all the deans in the university? Was expression of a different political opinion [by Kanthoop] such a big issue that it warranted such a major meeting?

Somkit: Because there were complaints from people within the university as well as from outside. We had to clarify the matter.

Panthawit: Weren’t you afraid of being accused yourself by admitting Kanthoop to Thammasat?

Somkit: No. What would I be afraid of? If I had to take care of [Kanthoop], I would have to take care of Somsak Jeamteerasakul, Worachet Pakeerat or Piyabutr Saengkanokkul [Thammasat lecturers who are vocal critics of Article 112]. How many people would I have to take care of for exercising freedom to express their different political opinions? It’s not just about Kanthoop or others who have different political opinions. Say, for instance, Thammasat Student A has [allegedly] killed Thammasat Student B, but as long as the trial is still ongoing, Student A is still entitled to study at Thammasat until there is a final verdict which results in unsuspended jail sentence.

Panthawit: In the case of Kanthoop, who is now a student at Thammasat, an online community has publicly revealed her personal data. A media outlet [ASTV-Manager Online] has published an article about her, questioning Thammasat for having admitted her. As the Thammasat rector, will you be making any official response to that? And if so, how?

Somkit: No. The rector isn’t that available. The floods have caused 2.8 billion baht damages. [Thammasat University was flooded.] I have many major issues to deal with, like how to improve research capacity of Thammasat lecturers, to become a world-class university. The dean of the Social Welfare Faculty has taken care of Kanthoop as well as served as her advisor. Ordinarily deans don’t serve as advisors to students. There are a lot of people handling this case. Don’t worry. Many people are watching Kanthoop. Let me stress that if Kanthoop commits any wrongdoing within Thammasat, I will take care of her. I personally don’t agree with Kanthoop’s behavior according to the accusations, so don’t say that I’m helping Kanthoop because I’m on her side. Kanthoop’s case had my attention, that’s why I took the matter to the deans’ meeting to discuss her admission, and the majority of the deans agreed we should admit her.

Panthawit: Was the admission of Kanthoop a way to mitigate the opposition to you from those with different political opinions from yours?

[Note: Dr. Somkit is perceived as a royalist and supporter of the 2006 coup. He was one of the drafters of the 2007 Constitution. He has challenged the merit of a proposal by a group of young progressive Thammasat law lecturers known as Nitirat to nullify all legal effects of the 2006 coup and to amend the lèse majesté provision in the Criminal Code.]

Somkit: That never occurred to me. We admitted Kanthoop because she passed the entrance exam; she was entitled to study [here]. If I had done that [admitting Kanthoop] to appease the redshirt government, I would have had to admit a hundred more redshirt students, which I wouldn’t have done. On the flip side, Thammasat does not distinguish students by their shirt color, but by their individual knowledge and ability. Whatever shirt-color you are, once you have entered Thammasat, you are Thammasat. If you are a redshirt, you must respect others of different colors in Thai society and at Thammasat. If you are Yellow, you must also respect that there are those who are Red. One must adjust oneself in Thai society. Thammasat endeavors to show society at large that [in] a good society, [we] can exist alongside one another, regardless of our colors. We shouldn’t be witch-hunting one another.

Panthawit: A dean has been appointed [Kanthoop’s] advisor and her case was discussed at a deans’ meeting. Doesn’t this reflect that political disagreement is a problem at Thammasat?

Somkit: Let me tell you that a number of people have complimented me on Facebook, saying that there is only one commendable thing ever done by the Thammasat University rector which is having admitted Kanthoop. As Thammasat rector, I don’t pay attention to the berating [of me] because I present myself as Yellow or Red. I adhere to the Thammasat principle that there is freedom in every inch of Thammsat. Thammasat teaches one to love the people. At Thammasat one can say anything as long as one does not violate another’s rights and freedom. Not only Kanthoop. Even Nitirat, I gave them warnings when they had their many press conferences. They can have their seminars about fixing the Article 112 problem, but if they violate others’ rights and freedom then I’ll have to take care of them. I must have measures [to deal with freedom and rights violations]. I won’t allow people to use Thammasat [as a political] stage to berate others or violate others’ rights. That’s a key Thammasat principle.

[Note: See some background of Nitirat’s proposal to amend Article 112 here, Worachet’s detailed presentation of Nitirat’s proposed amendment of Article 112 at Thammasat on 15 January 2012 here (YouTuve VDO), and Prachatai news archive related to Nitirat here.]

Panthawit: What do you think of Article 112 in the Criminal Code? Do you have any problem with how this law has been applied like a group of people in this society has been shouting?

Somkit: Article 112 is about defaming or insulting the king and the heir apparent. This law has existed for a long time in Thai society, evidently at least during the Rattanakosin period. And [such a law] exists not only in Thai society but also in foreign countries. This is a legal provision to protect the head of state, be they kings, presidents, or any other types of head of state. Every country has this type of legal provision because defaming and insulting the head of state is like defaming and insulting any other person in general.

Article 112 has always been problematic in the eyes of scholars. The problem is not the legal provision itself, but the interpretation thereof. Enforcement—the enforcers are the police and the courts—in the principle of the criminal law looks at intent. If there is no intent, then there is no accountability. Principally, there are three categories of Thai laws concerning defamation and libel.

1. Direct/face-to-face insult (ดูหมิ่นซึ่งหน้า), punishable by up to 6 months imprisonment

2.  Defamation/libel (หมิ่นประมาท), punishable by up to one year imprisonment, for which the court looks at intent

[3.] In the case of [defamation] of the king, [the punishment] is 3-15 years according Article 112; as it happens the practices of legal enforcement and court trials [of cases under Article 112] thus far have not taken the intent into account.

This is a big problem concerning Article 112, which is an enforcement problem. From a legal perspective, [some] lawyers have said that those who have been charged with Article 112 in many cases should not be punished because the court did not use intent for arrests in other cases. For instance, Sondhi Limthongkul has repeated the words of Da Torpedo [who has just been found guilty and handed 15 years jail sentence] on a [rally] stage aiming to protect the king, therefore he did not have an intent [to defame the monarchy] and should not be punished. If someone were to file a complaint against Sondhi and the police interpreted the case as I said, then they would not accept the complaint, the state prosecutors wouldn’t file a charge in court, and the court wouldn’t have to judge Sondhi guilty because it was an act that lacked intent. And all others who have made comments aiming to protect the monarchy wouldn’t have to be punished according to Article 112. But if you say, you can’t say that, if a defamation is a defamation, then it means the court does not take into account intent in enforcing the law because the fundamental principle of criminal law is always intent.

Another problem with this article in the Criminal Code is the punishment. The punishment for ordinary defamation/libel is up to 6 months imprisonment for a face-to-face insult and up to one year imprisonment in the case of Mr. A defaming Mr. B or an officer. If compared with Article 112, I personally think the punishment in [Article 112] is too harsh.

Panthawit: Nidhi Eiwsriwong [respected historian and public intellectual attached to Chiang Mai University] wrote in an article that Article 112 is aimed to benefit [protect] the head of state. From national security perspective, [lèse majesté] could cause a rebellion in the kingdom. However, most defendants under this article do not have sufficient power to impact the head of state with their speech or writings or cause a rebellion to be brought about in the kingdom. How do you perceive Nidhi Eiwsriwong’s view?

Somkit: No. Nidhi made a broad interpretation. When we look at the purpose of a law, we look toward the future. But Article 112—the way it has been written from the past to the present—refers to individuals, not just the king as the head of state but also the individual who is the king. The law is just like any other defamation/libel law. For instance, if someone berates me, s/he berates Mr. Somkit as well as the rector of Thammasat University. Therefore, the key aspect in the problem concerning this article is not [the content of] the article itself but the interpretation in the enforcement of this article because it does not focus on intent.

Panthawit: A group of lecturers-academics [led by senior academic] Charnvit Kasetsiri has called for a panel to be set up to screen Article 112 complaints. The proposed panel may be represented by members of civil society and members of the parliament or the senate. What you think about this?   

Somkit: It can’t be done. The law does not allow an establishment of any screening panel before a legal complaint can be made. Only the police, the state prosecutors and the courts have such an authority.

Panthawit: What about the proposal by the independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) which suggests that the government fix the Article 112 problem by allowing only the Office of the Principal Private Secretary of His Majesty the King to file [lèse majesté] complaints? What’s your view?  

Somkit: Even more implausible because the palace should not be involved in the judicial process. To make the Principal Secretary Office or the palace the complainant would further involve the monarchy in politics. This is the matter of the state [because it’s about] the head of state. If the palace becomes the complainant, questions will arise in society: why does the palace file a complaint against this person and not that person, why does it make complaints against citizens? I don’t see that the Principal Secretary Office should handle the complaint process.

Personally, I am not concerned about how to amend this article because I am not an expert on criminal law. Fixing [Article 112] will be done by other experts, including even what Nitirat is doing. Importantly, those demanding or proposing amending [Article 112] must provide answers to society: why should there be any amendment and what will the amendment offer to society? They must answer this question: why would the punishment for the defamation/insult of the queen and the heir apparent have to be the same as the punishment for the defamation/insult of ordinary people, which is up to one year imprisonment?

Article 112 is like any other law that can be amended or debated within academic circles. Those proposing amending Article 112 aren’t committing lèse majesté. I don’t think [Thai] society will say that former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun [who has publically said that certain amendment of Article 112 is advisable] has defamed the king. There are a number of people who want to have the article amended who have good intention for the king. The matter with Article 112 is, different people are talking about the same thing but have different ideas. Those who want to amend it must give clear explanations to society why it needs to be amended. Personally I don’t think I will lead in amending this law because I am a public lawyer, not a criminal lawyer. Plus, I am a university rector. I have many problems to think about.

………….

Kan-thoop, A Witch or A Kid? – Matichon Interview

So who is Kan-thoop? Kan-thoop is a name that is familiar to those who have closely followed Thai politics over the past two years, especially if they are embedded in the social media.

ก้านธูป "Kan-thoop" (Joss Stick)

“Kan-thoop” (in Thai translates as “Joss Stick”) is the online nickname of a young female who has become a notable personality in Thailand’s recent political drama—she’s become an object of much hate, admiration and a source of not a little anxiety in some quarters. Just before the 2012 New Year’s eve, Kan-thoop resurfaced in national news and caused a buzz in the Thai online world. Not because she has done something outrageous recently, but because what she did two years ago has caught up with her—again. This time, officially.

Kan-thoop, a first-year Thammasat University student, has just recently been added to the growing list of alleged lèse majesté offenders in Thailand. Only 19 years old, she may be the youngest person to be officially charged under Thailand’s harsh “lèse majesté law.” If convicted of lèse majesté (a criminal offence according to Article 112 in Thailand’s Criminal Code), a person is liable to up to 15 years imprisonment. The rate of conviction among those charged with Article 112 is 94% (according to Thai lèse majesté historian David Streckfuss).

Kan-thoop received a summons from Bangkok police dated 25 October 2011 which states that she has allegedly defamed the King because of the comments she posted on her Facebook during March and April 2010.  She is scheduled to report to the police on 11 January 2012 but she has requested a postponement to 11 February 2012.

Whatever she said on her Facebook page, her comments drew fierce reactions and triggered a hate campaign that has plagued her ever since the comments became known in April/May 2010. At the height of the hate campaign against her in 2010, she received threats of physical violence and was denied a seat at a university despite having passed the entrance examination following loud protests against her admission. She was then rejected by another university and discouraged from the third, again, despite having passed the entrance examination to both. She missed one full year of opportunity for studies.

The hate campaign against her finally subsided and by 2011 few knew what became of her, only that she had changed her name to avoid further harassment and intimidation. Then on 26 December 2011 ASTV-Manager, the online newspaper of choice for many staunch Thai royalists, reported that Kan-thoop had been studying at Thammasat, a top tier university in Thailand known for its more liberal politics. The ASTV-Manager report not only identified the department in which she has been studying but also published her new official name. Since then it has come to light that she has been summoned by police for lèse majesté.

The wider public knows very little about Kan-thoop, even those who have heard of her, for she has kept silent—until just a few days ago. On 6 January 2012, the Thai-language newspaper Matichon published Kan-thoop’s first press interview.  Below is my translation of the transcript of the interview as reported by Matichon.

Matichon Interview with Kan-thoop by Fah-rung Sri-khow

Note: Texts in [brackets] are my own additions for clarification.

Fah-rung: Ever since you’ve finished high school, to which universities have you passed the entrance exam?

Kan-thoop: In 2009, I passed the entrance exam [for the 2010 academic year] to the Arts Faculty at Silapakorn University. I had an interview [which is part of the direct admission process] but the results came out that I failed. In the same year I also passed the exam for the Social Sciences Faculty (political science) at Kasetsart University but I decided not to go through with the interview because there were so many people there [on the day of the interview] and I thought I might not be safe. I was by myself that day, so I just forfeited my right to the interview. In 2010, I passed the exam to Srinakharinwirot University—Prasanmitr but when I went to the interview, the interviewing professors weren’t happy with the fact that I passed the [written] exam. The interview wasn’t quite finished and I was asked to leave and told to wait for the results, which were that I failed. Then in 2011, I got into Thammasat University.

Fah-rung: The night before you were going to have the interview at Kasetsart University, someone posted on a website to mobilize a crowd to stop you [going to the interview], is that right?

Kan-thoop: Yes.

Fah-rung: You said the professors weren’t happy with you. What were their reactions?

Kan-thoop: At Silapakorn there were no reactions, just a normal interview. At Prasanmitr, as soon as I went in to introduce myself and wasn’t quite finished with that, the professors just stopped me and said they knew who I was and what I had done, so they told me to go back and wait for the results at home.

Fah-rung: When did you change your name?

Kan-thoop: When I applied for Silapakorn University I hadn’t yet changed my name but I had changed it by the time I applied for Prasanmitr.

Fah-rung: When you applied for Thammasat, did you think that the history would repeat itself like what happened with the previous three universities?

Kan-thoop: I was hoping that it wouldn’t happen [but] I was mentally prepared for a rejection.

Fah-rung: Have you ever met the university executives like Ajarn Somkid Lertphaithoon [the rector] and Ajarn Prinya Thevanareumitkul [the deputy rector for student affairs]?

Kan-thoop: No, not personally but I have taken a class, TU 100, with Ajarn Prinya. So I inevitably saw him in class.

Fah-rung: At the freshmen welcome you did not stand to the royal anthem. Was that the case?

Kan-thoop: Not true. We all stood in the football field. Even if someone had not wanted to stand, they would have been pressured by the others surrounding us to stand. It was impossible for me or anyone else not to stand.

Fah-rung: Do you know that there’s been a rumor that you didn’t stand?

Kan-thoop: Yes, I’ve seen it. It makes no sense to attack me with this, which is not based on facts. It’s just not possible by any imagination.

Fah-rung: Have you ever been harassed [over your political stance] at Thammasat?

Kan-thoop: Occasionally. There have been slurs and sarcastic remarks made in class. The worst was a shoe thrown at me. This happened in the beginning of my time at Thammasat.

Fah-rung: Can you tell me more about that?

Kan-thoop: It happened at night. A group of students just returned from a retreat. Some were drunk. They got out of a car near where my friends and I were sitting, working. They were standing and talking. Then a shoe just flew at us. They came to pick it up and said the shoe just slipped.

Fah-rung: Did they know you were “Kan-thoop”?

Kan-thoop: From the time they got out of the car, they were whispering, and then got excited when they saw who was sitting there.

Fah-rung: So everybody knew you and knew that you had a case?

Kan-thoop: Yeah, all my classmates knew.

Fah-rung: What were the slurs and sarcastic remarks?

Kan-thoop: For instance, “who doesn’t love…, get out,” along the same line as the army chief telling people to get out of the country.

Fah-rung: What’s the positive side at Thammasat?

Kan-thoop: Everybody is different. And I think everybody being different is a beautiful thing in this world. I don’t return the hurt or the sanction to people, or feel angry. I understand those friends who have done those things to me, that they have got different information.

Fah-rung: How has your family responded to your having been accused?

Kan-thoop: They have been supportive.

Fah-rung: You got up on the redshirt stage. Is that true?

Kan-thoop: Yes, true. I went on a redshirt stage when I was in secondary school. It was in Bangkok during a rally to General Prem’s residence. That was the year of the first round of redshirt crackdown in April (2009).

Fah-rung: Are you still involved in student activities at the university?

Kan-thoop: I take part in normal activities at the university like other students. I am part of a free group, which works with any students’ groups [within the university], as well as outside.

Fah-rung: Aren’t you weary or afraid of any more [legal repercussions]?

Kan-thoop: I feel activism doesn’t necessarily have to be political. So I’m not quite sure how to respond to the word “weary,” because some activities have nothing to do with politics.

Fah-rung: What activities are you involved in?

Kan-thoop: Those relating to anti-SOTUS [freshmen hazing] activities, anti-use of violence against fellow humans and fellow students.

Fah-rung: Did you engage in any activities during the floods?

Kan-thoop: I tried to as much as I could but there were several limitations. My folks were concerned. I helped at the Thammasat flood shelter but as I was working there were people taking my pictures, so I went to help at Don Muang instead.

Fah-rung: Does your family forbid you to engage in any activities?

Kan-thoop: They do warn me and try to discourage me from doing too much.

Fah-rung: Why are you still active even when you have been accused of commiting a pretty serious offence?

Kan-thoop: I want to live a normal life. I don’t want it [the lèse majesté accusations] to dictate my life. No matter what, life goes on. The legal case will take its course.

Fah-rung: Is your family redshirt?

Kan-thoop: No.

Fah-rung: So how have they handled the matter about you?

Kan-thoop: They forbid me and warn me, and try to pull me back. I understand my family and why they would want to stop me. But in the end I just can’t stand the injustice in this society. Others would do the same thing if they saw what I have seen.

Fah-rung: What made you think this way?

Kan-thoop: Many things. Those who have followed politics likely have recognized the ongoing injustice in this society, be they double standards or unfair use of the law. Because of these things, you just can’t quit for your own survival.

Fah-rung: When you were accused you were only 17 years old. Did you also think about injustice at the time?

Kan-thoop: I feel that “realization” has nothing to do with age. If someone will learn or realize something, they just do, regardless of their age.

Fah-rung: What do you want to do in the future?

Kan-thoop: I want to be a teacher, like Ajarn Somsak [Jeamtheerasakul, a Thammasat historian and well-known critic of the establishment, who is also facing lèse majesté accusations and has been summoned by police].

Fah-rung: What subjects do you like?

Kan-thoop: I have taken only six courses and enjoyed them all.

Fah-rung: Have you taken any classes with Ajarn Somsak?

Kan-thoop: I have only sat in his class. He taught only one class this term at the Rangsit campus, so I sat in that class. It was Russian history.

Fah-rung: Have you also sat in other classes?

Kan-thoop: I’ve sat in classes at the Law and Political Science faculties.

Fah-rung: Have you studied with the Nitirat Group yet?

Kan-thoop: No, I haven’t yet got a chance.

Fah-rung: Why did you choose to study in the Social Welfare faculty?

Kan-thoop: Because I had done some volunteer work and got to know a senior student from this faculty. I just thought that his views about society were very beautiful. [I thought] the ideals and principles [he learned] in this faculty shaped him like that. I admired his way of thinking so I wanted to learn what made him that way.

Fah-rung: What do you think caused the serious accusations against you?

Kan-thoop: The accusations are used in political attacks…. It’s part of the process of political transformation.

Fah-rung: Do you see yourself as a victim or a phenomenon that reflects what’s happening in this society?

Kan-thoop: I think that’s for others to say because I’m still having my normal life. I go out, go to the movies, have fun, do my things normally.

Fah-rung: Do you know anybody who might be involved in the witch-hunt against you? 

Kan-thoop: I don’t know anybody personally, or if I did I wouldn’t know if they are in it or not. If that’s the case, I don’t have a problem being friends with them.

Fah-rung: Why do you think you can be friends with people who are hunting you?

Kan-thoop: The Social Welfare faculty teaches me to live with diversity in society, so I don’t have a problem being friends with people who are different from me. It depends more on them, if they’d have any problem with me, with a kind of difference like me.

Fah-rung: What principles do you have in leading your life facing this sort of thing at your age?

Kan-thoop: It’s just a learning process because everything that comes into your life will pass and become a lesson for you to learn. I have to continue to live my life.

Fah-rung: Have you ever been stressed?

Kan-thoop: Stressed as usual and not just about this matter. I am also stressed about my studies, exams and other things.

Fah-rung: Your family doesn’t want you to be so active [politically], how do you reconcile with them?

Kan-thoop: I try to avoid possible negative repercussions by staying more behind the scene and avoiding being too visible, like not having my name listed in the activities that I do. But I still continue participating.

Fah-rung: How would you like to see [Thai] society change?

Kan-thoop: I think it’s already changing. I’d like to see it more open, more tolerant, and more learning from one another.

Fah-rung: Ever thought “why me” with these accusations?

Kan-thoop: These accusations are made easily. If not me, it’ll be someone else, and there are more and more [accusations].

Fah-rung: Why did you ask for a postponement to report yourself to the Bang Khaen police to 11 February 2012?

Kan-thoop: Because [the date in the summons] is in conflict with the final exams of my first term which have been postponed due to the floods.

Fah-rung: The Article 112 summons alleges the incidents from which year?

Kan-thoop:  Probably 2010. The thing is, some people were circulating information on the Internet by capturing several images of [my] Facebook postings and put them together in forward emails. I’m not sure if cutting and pasting [images] from the Internet can really be used as evidence in filing a complaint because people can do whatever they like with cutting and pasting.

Fah-rung: So the fact is, there was cutting and pasting of images accompanied by the accusations that you posted certain comments. These were then circulated, and the hunting of you followed. Is that correct?

Kan-thoop: Yes.

Fah-rung: How has [Thammasat University] been taking care of you?

Kan-thoop: My advisor has been calling me to see how I’m doing, and told me to let the process run its course. My teachers also take care of my safety.

Fah-rung: Were you facing any threats when you moved to another province when you were in Mor 4 [Grade 10]?  

Kan-thoop: No, I wasn’t threatened. My family moved, so I moved with my family.

Fah-rung: Besides harassment on the Internet, have you faced any threats/intimidation in real life?

Kan-thoop: Some, for instance, last year someone went to my old province and asked people in the neighborhood if they knew me. Some claimed to be authorities and some just ordinary people.

Fah-rung: Among those who support you, what have they said to you?

Kan-thoop: They said they give me “moral support.” Those words are all that’s needed. I think morale is the most important thing. What keeps me strong is all the heartfelt support from my dear friends and my dear teachers.

Fah-rung: What has impressed you since you’ve attended Thammasat University?

Kan-thoop: I feel that this university is the most open minded of all the universities to which I’ve ever passed the exams. I’m very impressed by this [Thammasat’s openness].

Fah-rung: Do you have favorite historical figures?

Kan-thoop: Hmm, I don’t worship historical figures. I tend to admire people I actually know because, I believe, I can admire or love them more wholeheartedly than I can do the historical figures.

Fah-rung: You tend not to believe in stories that have been told, that you have not experienced yourself, is that what you meant?

Kan-thoop: I don’t give too much importance [to stories] to the point that I’d adore or worship [historical figures]. I don’t believe [in that].

Fah-rung: What kind of books do you read?

Kan-thoop: Books on history and novels.

Fah-rung: What kind of stories do you like to write for yourself?

Kan-thoop: Poems because I can compose some poems. They’re not just about politics, but also about love, nature, and nonsensical stuff.

Fah-rung: What poems are in your heart?

Kan-thoop: (Laughter) Poems by Visa Khanthap. But it seems Brother Visa has… (laughter) kind of changed.

(See more detailed background details and commentaries about Kan-thoop’s case by Voranai Vanijaka in the Bangkok Post; Bangkok Pundit on Asian Correspondent; and Political Prisoners in Thailand.)

The message or the accent? Hillary and Yingluck’s first meeting

This article was first published on 19 November by SiamVoices, on Asian Correspondent. Haven’t got around to re-post it here (for my own record) until now.

Source: US Embassy Bangkok Facebook

It was a historic meeting. At least in the sense that the first Thai female prime minister had her first official meeting with the top female diplomat of the United States, Thailand’s most powerful ally. It also took place right after her meeting with the UN Secretary General Bun Ki Moon. These two meetings were a mega-warm up for Yingluck before her entrance onto the world stage at the 19th ASEAN Summit in Bali where she would meet President Obama and other ASEAN and East Asian leaders.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was said to have cut short her visit to the Philippines to make a 17-hour pit stop in Bangkok on 16 November 2011 as her visit to Thailand was not on the original itinerary.

According to AFP, Secretary Clinton was on a mission to “update” the US relationships with its five treaty-bound regional allies—Australia, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea and Thailand. “These five alliances are the fulcrum for our efforts in the Asia-Pacific,” she said at the East-West Center in Honolulu before she commenced the Asia-Pacific tour.

If many of us in Thailand had an impression that the US was neglecting its old friend before, despite the deepening political conflict and worsening rights violations, we have now been told that it’s not true. Ostensibly, US policymakers have been concerned over Thailand after an extended period of political chaos.

And it was Hillary’s job to deliver a message to Yingluck and Thailand that the US really cares. A State Department official was quoted as saying before Hillary made it here:

One of the messages that the secretary will bring directly to the Thai people and the government is that we believe it is in the national security and political interest of the United States to have this government succeed…. We will do what we can to support that going forward. There are substantial tensions in Thailand and those tensions will not be resolved after one or even a few elections.

One can debate on the finer meaning of “this government” as Bangkok Pundit has done here, but the general message is clear. The US has confirmed its long-term commitment to Thailand and its intention to work with the current power holders. Whoever the power holders might actually be, there’s no denying that the face is Yingluck.

Hillary couldn’t have done a better job at making clear the message she was tasked to deliver at their joint press conference in the evening of 16November. In her statement, after delivering the American sympathies for the Thai people in the ravaging floods and the promise of $10 million US aid, she delivered the message:

I want to emphasize that although, of course, we are all focused on the immediate needs, the United States will be with you for the long run. We are working to help Thailand improve its capacity to prevent, prepare for, and respond to disasters like these floods. And we will support Thailand’s economic recovery as a trade investment and development partner. I recognize that these floods pose an early and serious challenge to the new Thai Government and to the hard-won peace that the Thai people achieved after the political violence that you have endured in recent years.

The United States stands firmly behind the civilian government of Thailand and the work it is doing to consolidate strong democratic institutions, ensure good governance, guarantee the rule of law, and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. We encourage the government to move forward with a political reconciliation process, which is critical to Thailand’s long-term stability and security. As it does so, it can also count on support from the United States.

I suppose it is a bit difficult to debate on the finer meaning of “civilian.” But no matter, it wasn’t even mentioned by most of the mainstream Thai press, which either glossed over the key message highlighted above or simply ignored it. Instead, the big fuss made by key media personalities in the mainstream press and by netizens who echoed their noises was about Yingluck’s English proficiency.

A well-known media personality, Somkiat Onwimon, who has more than 70,000 followers on Twitter tweeted (in Thai) after the press conference:

Having listened to the statement by Prime Minister Yingluck in response to Secretary Hillary Clinton, I found that her formal English communication was as terrible as her Thai. (1)

In formal communication with foreign countries, Prime Minister Yingluck should use Thai because her English is unserviceable. It is incomprehensible. Mistakes can do damage to Thailand. (2)

This evening Secretary Hillary Clinton answered the questions about Thailand better than the Thai prime minister, so much so that it made Prime Minister Yingluck a prop rather than the star. (3)

Prime Minister Yingluck will be at the ASEAN Summit in Bali. It’s worrying. [She’d better] use an interpreter from the Foreign Ministry to communicate with other 9 ASEAN leaders and +8 national leaders. (4)

That was more or less all the veteran newsman had to say about the joint press conference. There was no commentary on the substance of the statement by either leader. Nonetheless, or perhaps precisely because of that, his tweets were selling like hot cakes. The number of RTs for each tweet reached 100+ (tweet popularity doesn’t get any higher than that). His tweets have also been reproduced on Facebook and newspapers and on blogs like this one.

Make no mistake, the $10 mil US flood aid part got in most news headlines, but forget about the renewed ties between the two old allies or the unmistakable support of the US for the fledgling and battered Yingluck government. The bigger part of the Thai mainstream media, along with its “educated” urban consumers deeply embedded in social media, has been chewing, regurgitating, extrapolating, or refining on these tweets.

Somkiat, who has trained many Thai news anchors, apparently believes the prime minister’s English is potentially disastrous for Thailand’s interests. This point was quickly grabbed by those too inclined to shine a spotlight on any blemish of Yingluck. So came a deluge of comments on Twitter, Facebook, blogs, and news commentaries on her accent and incorrect grammar (as compared to their favorite Eton-Oxford-educated former prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva), and on using an interpreter.

Of course, not all think Yingluck’s English is that bad. Most believe it’s quite serviceable. Or not—depending on which side you are listening to. An indisputable fact is, however, that she has neither the Queen’s English nor the American Southern twang. Her accent is characteristically very Thai. And so?

Her supporters have been beating up on Somkiat and the ‘accent’ and grammar critics, arguing what’s wrong with having an accent. They point out that Somkiat and co. just couldn’t stop themselves picking on her. The defensive reaction is understandable given Somkiat has recently spent quite an inordinate amount of time analyzing Yingluck’s Thai language skills, criticizing her less than good pronunciation, how she doesn’t distinguish between the ‘r’ and the ‘l’, how her speech delivery is unpolished, etc, etc. In other words, he was criticizing her for not having the Thai equivalent of the Queen’s English.

On this point, I believe Yingluck supporters have it right: there is no one English accent. They also have support from a heavy weight academic and social critic like Chanvit Kasetsiri who simply said:

Thai elites have inferiority complex and lead themselves to believe that good English is the Queen’s English only… ‘Don’t worry, just speak, speak lah’…. And you’ll get better at it.

I’m certain Yingluck will get better at it; she has proven to be a quick study. But meanwhile, what about an interpreter? It seems the jury is still out on that score. The merit and necessity of using interpretation is still being debated at the moment—sincerely or snarkily.

It’s unfortunate that the person who raised the interpreter issue was Somkiat who is highly critical (some may say nitpicking) of PM Yingluck. I personally don’t think that her English is terrible or incomprehensible, but indeed not fluent. His point about using an interpreter is not without merit, if PM Yingluck’s answer to the press at the joint press conference in Bangkok was any indication. She can certainly benefit from a professional interpreter, especially during the Q & A session with the press.

Also unfortunate, that as the anti-Yingluck camp continues to mock her accent and grammar, Yingluck supporters are hesitant to see her use an interpreter. They say she will improve, and those who dislike her are going to criticize her no matter what.

What does Hillary think of Yingluck’s English? I’m willing to bet she’s a lot more forgiving than Somkiat and other Yingluck critics at home.

I also wonder if the two women have had any more chance to meet casually in Bali, when perhaps Yingluck could ask for Hillary’s advice on how to be a strong female politician and how to deal with the prickly issue of tears.

Bangkok Feminists, Where Are You?

UPDATE: A slightly different Thai-language version of this article is available on Prachatai: เฟมินิสต์ไทย คุณลืม Feminist Mind ไว้ที่ไหน?

…………………………………..

Nearly two weeks ago many in the Thai social networks were stunned by a comment made on Facebook. A number of people were outraged, especially people from the North. Here’s the comment that started the brouhaha:

“I really don’t want to say this because it will seem like I look down on women… but the truth is… Northern girls who are uneducated or lazy and intellectually retarded will look for an easy job that normal women won’t do… Mainly it’s prostitution … Therefore, the Northern woman who is devoid of intelligence and extremely stupid yet thick-faced enough to take up the position, you should know what profession suits you.”

That was what Mr. Akeyuth Anchanbutr, a “self-made” businessman, aspiring political pundit and relentless anti-Thaksin crusader, wrote on his Facebook wall on November 2, 2011.

Of course, which particular “Northern woman” Mr. Akeyuth alluded to was not lost to anyone with a functioning brain. Thailand’s first female prime minister is a woman from the North and a kid sister of Mr. Thaksin. Mr. Akeyuth has raised his profile in the Thai political world ever since he accused Mr. Thaksin of manipulating the stock market in 2005. He founded a “No color, no camp, but have the truth” and anti-anything-Thaksin-related website called Thaiinsider.com.

But this article is not about Mr. Akeyuth. As mind blowing as his comment was, for all its crassness and thoughtlessness, more interesting are the reactions to it.

Mr. Akeyuth’s Facebook comment has by now been shared by more than 1,200 people directly from his Facebook wall. This number has probably multiplied by many factors. Judging by the reactions on the original post, most readers didn’t like the comment one bit, though of course it has received 31 “Likes” on Mr. Akeyuth’s wall and probably more elsewhere. Most thought the comment was “too strong,” many pointing to the unfair stereotype, lack of substance in the statement, insult on others’ humanity and dignity, etc.

After much flak and little praise, Mr. Akeyuth reiterated his original comment. The gist of it was, he “did not accuse or look down on anyone but merely spoke the truth,” nor was he looking down on any profession, sex work included. Annoyed by the still nagging critics, Akeyuth put it plainly once and for all: “I already told you that I hate lazy people who want to have it easy, that’s all… Like it or not, it’s up to you.”

And that was from a man on the run for 20 years (until the statute of limitation ran out) from fraud charges for allegedly masterminding a ponzi scheme back in the 1980s. If anyone should have sympathy for Thaksin, you would think it’s Akeyuth. But self-awareness seems to be missing here.

No surprise that there was a public outrage especially from Northerners. An anti-Akeyuth Facebook page went up in no time. The page now has over 4,000 “Likes” and over 3,500 people talking about it.

A day after the comment was made, civil society groups in Chiang Mai gathered to condemn the man. Representatives from Northern women’s groups, Empower the NGO for sex workers, Red women’s group, Chiang Mai City organizations and Lanna University joined to condemn his comment. They said it was a “denigration and dehumanization of sex workers and an insult on the dignity of Northern Thai women.” The group demanded that Akeyuth take responsibility for his comment. A Lanna women’s group filed a complaint with the police against him for defaming Northern Thai women.

The statement by the Lanna University pointed out the economic structure that exploits poor rural women from the North and other regions as a reason for regional inequity that should not be ignored:

 “To say that Northern Thai women are lazy and stupid is to ignore that fact, and to speak of the prime minister in such a way is to insult the majority of people in the country who elected her… Lanna University faculty calls on all parties to condemn … the view that supports gender oppression, the view that looks down upon the people in a democratic system, and the view that denigrates the leader of the country.”

On November 4, the Phayao women’s networks also came out to demand an apology from Akeyuth.

As a Northerner, I myself was outraged and condemned Akeyuth for his blatantly sexist and racist remark as soon as I saw it on Twitter . Many others—women and men, Northerners and non-Northerners alike—were doing the same on social media. Some were calling the comment a “hate speech.”

Then something occurred to me. Chiang Mai University was missing in action. This is peculiar given CMU has a Women’s Studies Center which has feminists who can usually be depended on to be vocal about women’s issues.

But not all torchbearers of women’s rights were silent. In the first week there were two reactions from high-profile feminists.

The first was a Thammasat University lecturer in Bangkok, Chalidaporn Songsamphan, who responded on the first day with a series of 9 tweets, which was not a condemnation but a mini lecture on public criticism in Thai culture. Some selected tweets:

“It is understandable that many people dislike and condemn PM Yingluck for all kinds of reasons. The way she is reproofed tells us something interesting about Thai society (1).” (original tweet)

“Many groups of Thai people don’t debate on issues or reasons but tend to pick characteristics of individuals to point out how they are wrong such as they are bad people hence whatever they say is wrong (2).” (original tweet)

“Abusing the female PM by referring to her being a Northern woman may gratify those who dislike her, but it shows that in fact Thai society hasn’t moved away from gender prejudices (4).” (original tweet)

“PM Pou isn’t all good. To protect her without considering relevant issues and make her untouchable is not constructive. Abusing her without any reason using vulgarity isn’t  constructive either (8).” (original tweet)

I agree with most of Chalidaporn’s tweets above, but I couldn’t help feeling that something was missing in those tweets. Like feelings. Can feminists get worked up? Oh yes, probably more often than not. It is almost obligatory if one is a feminist actually: Ability to get worked up when the female humanity and dignity is violated. I don’t know Dr. Chalidaporn personally but I suspect she must have a very cool head.

If the first response from the famous Bangkok feminist made me feel like I was surfing in the vast, cool sea of adroitness, the second response from the famous feminist writer, public intellectual and TV host from Chiang Mai was like a bucket of icy water—that was thrown directly at your face. Kamphaka is not known for mincing words. She threw her exact sentiment and her political stance in the face of everyone who read her first response in the form of a 9-word tweet:

 “Selling pussy is more honorable than killing people, Akeyuth.”*  (original tweet)

The sharp-tongued Kamphaka  more eloquently elaborated her point of view in a Voice TV interview later that day (November 3). The video interview now has more than 12,000 views and spirited discussions in the comment section. Her key points:

Akeyuth’s comment was sexist as well as racist and it attempted to further divide Thai society along regional and ethnic lines.
Sex workers are people who also have dignity.
Akeyuth’s comment presented a good opportunity for Thais to reconsider our views on gender and regional prejudices.

Over the next several days, I looked for more well-known feminists to come out and make a stand. Not that I think Thai women need feminists to tell us where to stand as we can very well manage to find a place to stand by ourselves. Or that I think the reactions thus far from many local women’s and civil society groups aren’t meaningful. To me, they are indeed as meaningful as the muted response from leading feminists in Bangkok.

Still it was strange that the torchbearers of Thai women’s rights were silent.

I recall the outrage against the Oxford Dictionary many years ago, which had the audacity to define Bangkok as “a city famous for its temples and prostitutes” or something to that effect. Thai feminists and non-feminists alike were up in arms, hyperventilating and demanding change in the definition. Was I wrong to expect reactions from feminists in this instance? Especially those in Bangkok?

Why, only a few months ago those leading feminists were weighing heavily in on the first female prime minister of Thailand. Chalidaporn likened Ms. Yingluck’s historic rise to the premiership to her “flying” into it on the [Shinawatra] magic carpet. Arpaporn Sumrit, a lecturer at the Women’s Studies Center at Chiang Mai University, predicted Yingluck wouldn’t do anything for women because she’s a man in a woman’s body (I discussed Thai feminists’ first reactions to Ms. Yingluck’s coming to power here.) What’s more, Sutada Mekrungruengkul, director of the Gender and Development Research Institute made a splash by chastising the PM for calling herself by her nickname “Pou,”** suggesting that PM Pou “could not separate between the personal and the official” and “might risk confusing foreigners” by calling herself by her nickname. (I am not kidding!)

So I thought if these feminists found PM Yingluck’s rise to power, her potential (or lack thereof) and her choice of personal pronoun worthy of discussion before, they would surely think a man suggesting the first Thai female PM should work as a prostitute instead of a PM worthy of a little fuss. I was so wrong.

Luckily, other high-profile women thought it was worth making a fuss about. On November 7, Ladawan Wongsriwong, chairwoman of Thailand’s Women’s Voices Club, came out to condemn Akeyuth and called his comment “a slap on the face of all Thai women.”

A former deputy minister and a banned Thai Rak Thai politician, Ms. Ladawan and friends filed a defamation complaint against Akeyuth with the Bangkok police and called on all chapters of the Women’s Voices Club to do the same throughout Thailand. Her group also burned Akeyuth’s effigy (see news report or the video). Ladawan threatened Akeyuth, if a public apology was not issued by 15 November an aggressive boycott campaign against all his businesses will ensue. She said:

“Akeyuth needs to be taught a lesson and made an example of for the Thai society to see that it is not acceptable to insult women like it’s a pastime.”

A heavy counter punch! But that’s what you might expect from such a vocal veteran newswoman, a seasoned spokesperson, and a woman from the North.

Interestingly enough, several Thai men (not from the North) expressed their outrage. Some even wrote about it from the very first day, like this and this. Even the second deputy president of Parliament, Mr. Visut Chainarun, scolded Akeyuth, saying his action was “extremely inappropriate” and his opinion “disrespects women’s honour”. “Mr. Akeyuth should be a gentleman and make an apology to Northern Thai women,” he said.

If leading Thai feminists who are not from the North felt any outrage, they certainly kept it very well hidden. One can only ask why. Now that my expectation was much reduced, I was hoping for just any high profile non-Northern women to say something. Even if it’s obligatory. Somehow I felt the need for some female camaraderie. Perhaps to reinforce my understanding, my hope, that Thai women in all regions are entitled to equal rights and dignity. I didn’t think I was expecting too much. Was I?

On November 8, the first non-Northern Thai woman came out officially at last to plead for fairness for the prime minister and all Thai women. It perked up my spirit a bit. In her opinion piece on Matichon, Ms. Thitima Chaisaeng said:

“Ever since the PM came into office she has worked tirelessly … she has never shown weakness. On the other hand, she has shown leadership, patience, perseverance, decisiveness and dedication to her work and not discouraged by obstacles. More importantly, she has never come out to blame anyone, even when information is discovered that some problems are results of the failures of the last government.”

The spokesperson of the Prime Minister’s Office said, as a public figure the PM can be criticized, however the criticisms should be based on reasons and in good taste. Akeyuth’s comment was “an attack on the prime minister [and] a strong insult on Thai women.” She called on women to come out to fight against sexism.

Ms. Thitima’s op-ed was the first drop of rain that preceded a storm. I was not at all prepared for what was to come. On that same day, two female Democrat MPs caused a big stir with their direct reproof of Ms. Thitima’s boss. But they weren’t talking about Mr. Akeyuth’s comment. Their focus was the PM’s tears.*** Both blamed PM Yingluck for damaging Thai women’s image by causing women’s leadership to be scrutinized and inviting an insult on the rest of Thai women. In their own words:

Mrs. Siriwan Prasachaksatru, deputy leader, Democrat Party:

“Khun Yingluck has caused the fight for female leadership to be scrutinized and her repeated failures and repeated, incredible lies have become the talk of the town. People question: Is that all Northern Thai women have to give? Are they all like this? Why do they always cry if they can’t do a job and use feminine guiles inappropriately? This has caused the Democrat Party to think seriously, especially among us women, because we don’t want the image of women to be destroyed any further. We are probably going to put this matter on the agenda of the Party’s committee on women, so that we can advise the prime minister.”

Ms. Mallika Boonmeetrakul, deputy spokesperson, Democrat Party:

“Crying the first time invites sympathy. Crying the second time draws consideration. Crying the third time is suspicious. But crying the fourth time is getting a bit too much and shows the woman must have so much guile that it invites insults… Thailand is one of the leading countries in the world that have women in executive positions but that fact is contradicted by the behavior of the leader of the country… In less than three months, [Ms. Yingluck] has destroyed the image that we women have worked all our lives to protect. Of course, women are sensitive and can cry, but not so much that it becomes suspicious like play-acting, fooling the public…”

Then on the next day, as if to make sure that the message of the two female MPs above (both from the North) came across clearly to the Thai public, the most senior female executive of the Democrat Party stressed the point again. Khunying Kalaya Sophonpanich:

“There are no women or men in politics. When you volunteer to work you must be able to deliver. You must be strong. Be a role model who is strong and determined. Therefore, you should not cry because besides the fact that it doesn’t solve the problem, it destroys the image of women. People won’t believe that women can do the job.”

Prompted by the reporter who asked,: “What do the people feel if the leader of the country show this level of maturity?,” Khunying Kalaya did not miss a beat. She laughed while delivering a retort: “Is there any maturity?”

Any comment from me would be superfluous, I think.

At any rate, it’s probably too much to expect politicians (even those claiming to have “worked all their lives” for women’s rights) to understand that using women’s tears as a point to attack a woman leader isn’t going to advance their cause very far. But the merit of their attack is hardly relevant. Politicians, even the female ones, don’t usually let facts, principles, their own gender, or a sense of female camaraderie get in the way of political point scoring.

As I was about to lose all hope, a long-awaited opinion finally came on November 10 from the feminist journalist whom I have admired for many years, Sanitsuda Ekachai of the Bangkok Post. In her article “A mind dirtier than a pigsty,” Sanitsuda wrote:

“Despite having a big team of babysitters handpicked by her fugitive brother, her inability even to read a scripted speech correctly had made her a laughing stock. Her management of the current flood disaster is simply disastrous.

Criticise her poor performance if you will. That is what democracy is about. But what came from Mr. Akeyuth is not criticism. It is misogyny. It is ethnic prejudice. It is arrogance from the city centre against other regions. It is ugly chauvinism that must not be tolerated.

You don’t need to be a fan of PM Yingluck to feel indignant. You only need to believe that gender and ethnic prejudice is wrong… That is why I thought Mr. Akeyuth’s hate speech would be a good chance to unite women of all political colours to condemn it. How wrong I was.

As community leaders in the red zones with possible political links to the Pheu Thai government, they might be even expected to do something to protect Ms. Yingluck. But the silence from other women’s rights groups is simply deafening.

Why is this so?… Whatever it is, silence is the wrong move because advocacy is an important part of social activism for change.”

Personally I am not at all bothered by the PM’s tears and don’t see her as a laughing stock. Her performance thus far, especially the management of the floods, can be much improved but nothing near disastrous. But that’s a matter of opinion.  Sanitsuda said what needed to be said and I agree with all the other points she made. I commend her for overcoming her perceptible dislike of PM Yingluck to make a principled stand. Hers is a true spirit. But what about other women’s rights advocates whom she was calling out to? Will they be able to do the same? The signs are not very encouraging. It’s been three days and no one else has emerged.

Few insults can better serve than Mr. Akeyuth’s as a showcase of the old prejudice that persists at the root of gender and social inequalities in Thai society. The comment rightly stunned and outraged many. But for me, the initial anger for Mr. Akeyuth is long gone.

What remains is the dismay and disappointment at the unaccountable silence from those who profess to be the advocates of women’s rights: Those who claim to abhor violence against women, who complain about the appallingly low representation of Thai women in politics, but who ignore the blatant and public denigration of the first female leader and the entire female population of a region of the country. Their silence is far more stunning and outrageous than the original insult by Mr. Akeyuth.

So where are you, Bangkok feminists?

Where are you when your Northern sisters need you?

NOTES:

This article was first published by Siam Voices on Asian Correspondent on 13 November 2011.

*Kamphaka was alluding to the accusations from both sides: Akeyuth practically telling the prime minister she should become a prostitute and some Reds calling the former prime minister Abhisit “a murderer” for his responsibility in the 90+ deaths in the April-May 2010 protests.

**There is not one neutral “I” first person pronoun that everyone can use in Thai as in English. Thai women often call themselves by their nickname in informal interactions and use the pronoun “di-chan” in formal situation, while Thai men use the common and neutral pronoun “phom” in both informal and formal situations. “Di-chan” is not a true equivalent of “phom,” however, in that it is perceived as highly impersonal. Prime Minister Yingluck uses “di-chan” in official and formal situations such as in cabinet meetings, speeches and interviews.

***Ever since the floods inundated the Thai geographical and political landscapes, certain groups  among Thai media and Thai population have developed an obsession with the PM’s tears. Headlines and pictures have featured her in various stages of crying—actual and presumed—while she toured the flooded communities.